Studia Celto-Slavica最新文献

{"title":"Polysemy of Welsh Llawn 'Full' in the Poetry of Dafydd ap Gwilym","authors":"E. Parina","doi":"10.54586/dijd7384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/dijd7384","url":null,"abstract":"In our pilot research on polysemy and semantic changes of the Welsh adjective llawn we analyse its use in the language of Dafydd ap Gwilym (ca. 1320–1370), which can easily be done now with the help of the electronic resource www.dafyddapgwilym.net. We put this data in the context of a project on lexical typology, carried out by the Moscow Lexical Typology Group, which aims at describing polysemy patterns in basic adjectives of Russian, Serbian, German, Chinese, Korean, Japanese and other languages of the world. Both the direct and metaphorical meanings of the Welsh llawn are close to what is found in other languages analysed; however, there are certain peculiarities to be addressed.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132984457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the Function of Name in Irish and Slavonic Written Incantation Tradition","authors":"T. Mikhailova","doi":"10.54586/uoui9058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/uoui9058","url":null,"abstract":"Each of the words of this topic needs a special commentary. Our study aims to shed some more light on the problem of typology of the magic texts as a special cultural phenomenon that obtains a constant character. NAME. By the ‘name’ in charm tradition we mean two different types of usage of a personal name: (a) ‘background name’ and (b) ‘subject name’. By (a) we mean a traditional use of names of sacred Christian figures as well as of pagan mythological characters that create a specific background of the magic formula. It serves as an indicator of the compiler’s/user’s Christian or pagan character. But, in fact, it is very difficult to draw a strict distinction between the paganism and a so-called ‘naive Christianity’ in the primary sources (esp. in Slavic and, in particular, in Russian). Some further discussion can be provided by a more detailed analysis of a number of ‘background names’ used in charms. At the same time, being unique for the user, the names of celestial bodies, forces of nature, ‘daughters of the sea’ (in Irish lorica) etc. can fulfill the role of the ‘background name’. By (b) the ‘subject name’ we mean a proper name of an individual for (against) whom the magic text is once composed (pronounced, written etc). WRITTEN TRADITION. Two different types of usage of the term are possible. On the one hand, we are dealing with a so called ‘naive recording’ (remembering) of the oral text, probably, for the purpose of its further (oral) reproduction. In this situation, we suppose, the use of the ‘subject name’ is impossible. On the other hand, the written tradition of magic texts presumes (and includes) a manufacturing of specific magical ‘artefacts’ (tablets, amulets, Old Russian ‘nauzes’ etc.). In this case the name fulfills its specific function. It creates a proper magical object (cf. Plotius, Caer, Mikhej of a Novgorod birchbark etc). The idea that the magical texts that use 1 sg. poss. pron. (me) as a subject may be reproduced orally (or in a written form) should be given some consideration. Me-tradition (not widespread in Russia) supposes the poly-functional use of a charm. CHARM. By this term we mean both an incantation (a spell as a text and as a language artifact) and a magical action (a rite, including the manufacturing of an object with specific characters, for example, magical runes of Old Scandinavia). The comparison between Mediaeval Irish and Russian charm traditions is possible due to the typological relation that exists between Irish and Russian cultures in the early period when Christianity coexisted with paganism. The more detailed analysis can be presented as a schema or a table, embracing all situations of the use of ‘charms’ in a traditional culture”.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127768843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Drifting towards Ambiguity: A Closer Look at Palatalisation in L2 Irish","authors":"Marina Snesareva","doi":"10.54586/mbvt2898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/mbvt2898","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on palatalisation in the Irish spoken by Dublin-based bilinguals for whom English is their first language. All informants had a good knowledge of both Irish and English; however, Irish was their second language, used less frequently in everyday communication. Most Dubliners start learning Irish at school; only a few informants had the opportunity to speak it at home, but even then the language was not used outside class on a regular basis. The study showed that most deviations in the distribution of palatalised and non-palatalised consonants in the speech of Dublin bilinguals were of the palatalisation absence type. Such deviations were especially frequent next to back and mid-back vowels. On the other hand, a palatalised consonant was often pronounced instead of a non-palatalised one next to a front vowel. Previous research suggests that these tendencies also apply in weak positions (Snesareva 2014a; 2014b). Consequently, even though in traditional Irish dialects palatalisation is not position-bound, in the speech of Dublin bilinguals there is correlation between the palatalisation of a consonant and the quality of its neighbouring vowel. However, such consonant distribution was not encountered in all contexts: even those informants whose speech had deviations used palatalisation properly in some contexts. This means that position-bound use of palatalisation is still a tendency rather than an entrenched feature of Dublin Irish.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127405381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Eastern Border of Celtic Settlement: A Toponymic Perspective","authors":"V. Blažek","doi":"10.54586/zxsw7813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/zxsw7813","url":null,"abstract":"The present study confirms the traditionally proposed Celtic origin of proper names from the Danubian delta (Νουϊόδουνον, Ἀλιόβριξ, Βριτολάγαι = *Βριγολάται) and the upper Dniester (Καῤῥόδουνον). New candidates for Celtic toponyms are added from the area between the lower Dniester and Dnieper, namely Axiaces / Ἀξιάκης, Βάρσακον (better than Σάρβακον), Ἤρακτον, Λήινον πόλις, Μαιτώνιον, Νίοσσον. The last three place-names were already included by Holder (1904) in his Celtic corpus but without any concrete etymological support of such identification. These new etymological and geographical identifications shift the eastern border of the European Celts to the South Bug, according to Ptolemy a tributary of the Dnieper, although its name was unknown to him.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125376647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Hiberno-Rossica: 'Knowledge in the Clouds' in Old Irish and Old Russian","authors":"G. Bondarenko","doi":"10.54586/agvn6086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/agvn6086","url":null,"abstract":"The present discussion aims to deal with one rare example of formulaic similarities in Old Irish and Old Russian poetic speech. In the past years several studies appeared devoted to Celto-Slavic isoglosses or correspondences in theonymics and mythopoetic language. The paper is focused on two particular fragments in two Old Irish and Old Russian texts (the former is much less known than the latter) with a special emphasis on the semantics and poetic rules, which are common for both examples. The first text is an Old Irish poem Immaccallam in druad Brain ocus inna banfhátho hóas Loch Febuil (‘The dialogue of Bran’s druid and Febul’s prophetess above Loch Febuil’, further IDB). An Old Russian text to be compared is a fragment from the late 12th century epic ‘The Song of Igor’s Campaign’ (Слово о плъку Игоревѣ, Slovo o plъku Igoreve). An attempt is made to tackle the problem of common Indo-European ancestry for the discussed formula (‘knowledge in the clouds’) with its variants (lluid mo fhius co ardníulu; летая умомъ подъ облакъı) present in the both texts and cultural realities, which the formula might reflect. Both Old Irish and Old Russian examples attracted scholars’ attention and were labelled as ‘shamanic experience’ (Carney). It is significant that both protagonists in these poems are not only poets: in Old Irish it is druí ‘druid’ and in Old Russian it is вѣщии ‘wizard’. It is rather difficult to ascribe definite social, cultural and religious functions to both these terms in early Christian Ireland and in medieval Rus’. One can evidently accept that druids held a function of priests in early Celtic societies. The same position is likely to be held by druids in pre-Christian Ireland (cf. episode of the bull sacrifice in Serglige Con Culainn). In Old Russian no priestly functions of вѣщiй, вѣщунъ are attested. Nevertheless Old Russian влъсви (wizards, magi; stands for μάγοι in the Gospels where OI has druid) definitely performed functions of pagan priests sometimes associated with shamanic activity. To a certain extent both OI and OR narratives reflect the particular link between the poet’s and the priest’s activity: both fragments refer to poet’s perception of the world, a specific cosmological scheme.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126955765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Semantic (Ir)regularities in Action Nouns in Irish","authors":"Maria Bloch-Trojnar","doi":"10.54586/xifl4407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/xifl4407","url":null,"abstract":"Cross-linguistically, verbal nominalizations display a close semantic and syntactic affinity to their corresponding predicates. Another characteristic feature of action nominalizations is that they exhibit the process/result dichotomy. In the process of lexicalization, the meanings of nominals drift away from the core actional reading, and come to denote ‘something material connected with the verbal idea (agent, instrument, belongings, place or the like)’ (Marchand 1969, 303). Nominalizations in Irish show a systematic polysemy between an abstract action reading and more concrete meanings such as result or object of activity, e.g. míniú ‘explanation’, ceartú ‘correction’, filleadh ‘bend’. We can observe a cline with a non-count action nominal and a count result nominal as extremes. The ability to pluralize is a clear indicator of lexicalization, e.g. oiriúintí ‘fittings, accessories’, admhálacha ‘receipts’, socruithe sochraide ‘funeral arrangements’. It will be demonstrated that the patterns of polysemy in verbal nouns are constrained by the lexical semantics of the base verbs. In the paper an overview is made of nominals related to verbs of different situation types (i.e. Vendler’s (1967) classes such as states, accomplishments, achievements, activities), and different lexical semantic categories (i.e. verbs of creation, consumption, motion, speech act verbs, verbs of emission etc.). The study is based on the corpus of ca. 2300 verbs and their corresponding VNs from Ó Dónaill (1977).","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125124699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Syntactic Patterns in Welsh and English Nicknames: A Comparison","authors":"Katarzyna Jędrzejewska-Pyszczak","doi":"10.54586/qrmb8487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/qrmb8487","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to investigate linguistic constructions that underlie Welsh and English nickname formations and, consequently, provide clues as to the function of nicknaming in both languages. The analysis, backed with examples, reveals that Welsh llysenwau retain their identificatory function and focus on enabling unambiguous nomination of individual community members. This assumption is borne out by the observation that the proper noun is the indispensible element in the structure of a Welsh nickname and the rule as such is harmed in a handful of examples only. In contrast, in English denominations instead of the proper noun it is mostly the common noun that constitutes the core of the formation. What follows is that the linguistic reality of nicknaming patterns might be considered as more context-sensitive in the English language, while the inherent presence of official designations, i.e. the first/second name or the surname, in Welsh designations increases the autonomy of reference. It could be anticipated then that English nicknames would outweigh their Welsh counterparts with regard to descriptive content employed to compensate for the weakening of direct reference as otherwise guaranteed by the inclusion of the name proper. Another issue tackled in the paper is the criterion of word order as the underlying feature of nicknames under discussion. The investigation is aimed at determining whether the two systems typical of Welsh and English, namely VSO and SVO, remain relatively undisturbed or show traces of interaction.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124491086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Breton Verb Endevout and French Avoir: The Influence of Descriptive Grammars on Modern Breton Verbal System","authors":"Anna Muradova","doi":"10.54586/imdu7614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/imdu7614","url":null,"abstract":"The present-day Breton verbal system is represented in both descriptive and prescriptive grammars in a way that follows the Latin and the French traditions. The influence of Latin and French can be seen in the appearance in Middle Breton of the verb kaout/endevout ‘to have’ formed on the basis of bezañ/bout ‘to be’. The necessity of the existence of kaout/endevout as a separate verb and not as a specific declination of bezañ/bout cannot be so obvious judging by the Breton verbal system. Meanwhile following the example of Latin and French grammars the lexicographers like Reverend Maunoir or Gregor de Rostrenen had to accord to the forms like am eus, ac’h eus etc. the same functions as the French avoir and Latin habere.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123496627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Semantics of Trwm in Middle Welsh Prose","authors":"E. Parina","doi":"10.54586/yqzf3383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/yqzf3383","url":null,"abstract":"Like its Goidelic cognate trom, analysed in Dereza (this volume), Welsh trwm is highly polysemous. In contrast to Dereza’s more general approach, I discuss here in detail the usage of this adjective in one relatively short period, based on the Welsh Prose 1300–1425 corpus (Luft et al. 2013). In order to make the Goidelic and Welsh data comparable, I analyse my data using the same classification of senses as Dereza. Despite some difficulties arising from the structure of the corpus used, I discuss the frequency of the usage within the four domains: experiential, parametrical, psycho-physiological and emotional. The last domain is the main focus of my attention due to the diversity of constructions in which trwm is thus used. I end by drawing some conclusions concerning the use of Celtic data in lexical typology.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123646210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Yellow to Blue — or Not?","authors":"S. Kleyner","doi":"10.54586/wtlo2251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54586/wtlo2251","url":null,"abstract":"In Indo-European languages, the reflexes of PIE root *ĝhel- are typically used as colour terms for ‘yellow’ or to denote yellow objects like gold. In Slavic languages there are no less than three different reflexes (e.g. Russian желтый, зеленый and голубой). While the original root is traditionally thought to have had the primary meaning ‘yellow’, there is nothing unusual in the fact that the root often acquires the meaning ‘green’, as PIE was almost certainly a language where green and yellow were not distinguished on the level of basic color terms. The fact that some reflexes expanded into the blue part of the spectrum, although it has a parallel in another PIE root (Lat. flauus ‘yellow’ vs PGmc *blēwa- ‘blue’), seems rather interesting. A similar semantic transition of *ĝhel- can be seen in Celtic languages (e.g. OIr gel and glas). But while in Celtic there could have been two reflexes of the same root, one of which stayed in place and the other drifted away as Proto-Celtic evolved into a Stage IV language, the Balto-Slavic word cannot be so easily explained away: both голубой and its Baltic cognates (Lith. gelumbe ‘blue cloth’, OPruss. golimban ‘blue’), unlike the words for ‘green’, ‘yellow’ and ‘gold’ in the same languages, have retained the unpalatalized *gh-. While by no means a borrowing from Lat. columba, the Balto-Slavic lexeme does share the word-formation with columba and Grk. κóλυμβος ‘little grebe’ – the words that are traditionally connected with the cluster of Lat. calidus ‘with spots’, Grk. κηλίς, OIr caile ‘a spot’, OInd. kāla- ‘(blue-)black’ etc. Here a different version is proposed: neither are columba and κóλυμβος connected with the aforementioned ‘black spots’ cluster, nor is голубой connected with PIE *ĝhel-; they represent a separate and possibly non-Indo-European group of cognates.","PeriodicalId":370965,"journal":{"name":"Studia Celto-Slavica","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121925100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}