Ethnology最新文献

{"title":"Latino naming practices of small-town businesses in rural southern Florida","authors":"K. Bletzer","doi":"10.2307/3773801","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773801","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines naming practices of Latino grocery stores and restaurants in an eighteen-county area of southern Florida. Business names denote cultural affinity and personal whims, and, like other forms of Latino cultural expression, they are drawn from the cultural roots of owners and clientele to connote the flavor and pride of Latino identity. Unlike other art or literary forms, however, business names reflect a commercial accommodation to the techniques and strategies of marketing more than a defiance of mainstream culture or the statement of cultural resistance to Anglo society. Their choices are strongly influenced by places and experiences that reflect Latino culture outside the local area rather than locales of current residence within rural southern Florida. (Transmigrant business, farm workers, naming practices and sociocultural identity, population expansion and rural settlement, southern Florida) ********** Discussing the shifting ethnicities that accompany the process of globalization, Hall (1991:42) calls identity \"the ground of action,\" suggesting that the way one identifies is what will most influence one's behavior. Rouse (1992) provides additional discussion on what this might mean for Latino immigrants, for whom, he argues, an alternative framework is needed. He suggests that Latino immigrants maintain interests and commitment to family and the town from which they came at the same time that they develop another way of viewing the world through their experience in a new environment. He calls views from these dual experiences \"bifocality.\" This article extends the work of these two authors, first by considering expressions of identity in naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants, and then by expanding the community of interest beyond migrant laborers to the entrepreneurial class within the Latino population. To do this assumes that the individuals who engage in entrepreneurial activities (specifically establishment and management of a business) may include men and women with backgrounds similar to their clientele. By way of a statistical analysis, I examine the formulation of immigrants as members of \"multiple communities\" (Chavez 1994) by testing the influence of place and experience on naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants. The context for this inquiry is the process of Latinoization in rural areas of southern Florida, chosen for the rapid growth of the Latino population within the southeastern United States and that part of Florida. Increases in Latino and Latino-origin Caribbean people within the southeastern United States are similar to processes of Latinoization in other areas of the country, notably rural California, where persons of Mexican ancestry predominate in many towns and small cities (Allensworth and Rochin 1998). At one time, Chicago had the largest concentration of persons of Mexican ancestry living outside the southwest (de Lourdes Villar 1994), but this has changed. Latinos are ","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"209-235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773801","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Culture, practice, and the semantics of Xhosa beer-drinking","authors":"P. Mcallister","doi":"10.2307/3773800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773800","url":null,"abstract":"Rural Xhosa beer-drinking is associated with a specialized lexicon related to producing, distributing, and ritually consuming maize beer in communal settings. Understanding this provides important insights into the status of beer as an indigenous commodity and the link between its consumption and sociopolitical and economic relations. It is in relation to the formal cultural framework of which the beer-drinking register is part that individual agency is exercised and a reflexive engagement with social practice occurs, and through which the meaning of specific ritual events is negotiated. (Xhosa, ritual lexicon, beer-drinking register, indigenous commodities) ********** The social nature of consuming alcoholic beverages has received considerable attention from anthropologists, many of whom have noted the importance of the conversation that accompanies drinking and which provides vital clues to its significance (Frake 1972). However, the language associated with the process of producing, distributing, and consuming the beverage itself is a neglected topic, as is evident, for example, from Douglas's (1987) collection of essays on drinking behavior and Heath's (1987a and 1987b) extensive reviews of work on the social use of alcohol. Much of the ethnography of drinking, concerned as it is with social messages or the relationship between drinking and other social phenomena, has ignored the indigenous terminology associated with the beverage consumed, failing to document it or explicitly recognize its role in the construction of the analysis. (1) A variety of Xhosa beer-drinking terms are discussed in this article with a view to demonstrating how they contribute to an understanding of public beer-drinking events (hereafter referred to as beer-drinks). It becomes clear from a study of this kind that beer is not a homogeneous thing, but a social commodity that gives symbolic substance to a variety of ideas about moral and social relationships. Beer's status as a social commodity, based on its exchangeability, emerges in the nomenclature given to it and in the meaning and value attached to it in particular contexts. Expressed slightly differently, beer's social potential is fulfilled through the various naming and associated distribution (exchange) strategies applied to it. Through differentiating beer in a variety of ways and by linking it to other forms of symbolization based on the spatial and temporal features of beer-drinking encounters, the exchange and consumption of this alcoholic beverage are used by people to imaginatively construct their world. In this sense Xhosa beer-drinking is generally similar to the ritualized consumption of food in many parts of the world. As with feasting or other forms of ceremonial drinking such as kava in the Pacific, it facilitates the construction of identity and the negotiation of sociopolitical relationships (LeCount 2001; Turner 1992; Brison 2001). The fieldwork for this study was conducted among conservative Xho","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"187-207"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773800","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Is Buddha a Couple? Gender-Unitary Perspectives from the Lahu of Southwest China","authors":"Shan-shan Du","doi":"10.2307/3773803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773803","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the dynamic processes by which the Lahu people negotiate Buddhist gender ideologies according to their cosmology of gender unity. It focuses on the contesting gender symbolism embedded in the local images of Buddha as a pair of indigenous supreme gods, a non-Lahu missionary who founded Lahu Buddhism, and three charismatic Lahu monks in history. This study contributes to scholarly inquiries into the complexities and diversity of women's religious status across cultures. (Buddhism, gender, ethnicity, religion, China) ********** In recent years, feminism has created a virtual paradigm shift in religious studies (Christ 1987; King 1995:2; Sharma 2000). Yet the issue of women's religious statuses and roles remains more ambiguous and controversial in Buddhism than it is for other world religions (e.g., Joy 1995; Mann and Cheng 2001; Saliba, Allen, and Howard 2002). While some suggest that the core of Buddhist tenets contains egalitarian (Tsomo 1999:35; Ueki 2001) and feminist (Gross 1993) tendencies, others point out the perpetuation of male dominance and patriarchy in Buddhist thought (Cabezon 1985) or even criticize the religion for playing a critical role in women's oppression (Hantrakul 1988; Thitsa 1980). Meanwhile, many scholars recognize the ambiguous and conflicting representations of women and femininity in Buddhist canons and monastic institutions alike, a phenomenon described by a variety of terms, including \"androgyny,\" \"institutional androcentrism,\" \"ascetic misogyny,\" and \"soteriological inclusiveness\" (Sponberg 1985; van Esterik 2000). Beyond general assessments of Buddhist gender ideologies, research also demonstrates the great diversity of women's positions in different traditions within the religion. Elaborating on the association of women with immorality, defilement, seduction, falsehood, and desire in early Buddhist texts (Paul 1985 [1979]:308; Ueki 2001:4), Theravada tradition reserves the right to pursue enlightenment in monastic institutions exclusively for males (Keyes 1984; van Esterik 2000:75). In contrast, the Mahayana tradition (especially the Chan tradition) highlights the general Buddhist wisdom of nondiscrimination through the concept of emptiness, which perceives the state of perfection as transcending any distinctions, including the distinction between the sexes (Paul 1985 [1979]; Ueki 2001:112). Despite the relatively egalitarian gender ideology of Mahayana Buddhism and its institutional manifestation in female ordination, femaleness is still commonly considered an undesirable state, and transformation into men is often believed necessary for women to achieve ultimate enlightenment (Crane 2001; Paul 1985 [1979]:171; Sunim 1999). Departing from mainstream Buddhism, the marginal Tantric tradition is characterized by both positive feminine symbolism in texts (Simmer-Brown 2001) and balanced gender roles in practice, manifested dramatically by the emphasis on the blissful and contemplative yoga of sex","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"1 1","pages":"253-271"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773803","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Cocaine in Miskitu villages","authors":"Philip A. Dennis","doi":"10.2307/3773780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773780","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1990s, Miskitu people in the coastal villages north of Puerto Cabezas began finding cocaine washed up on the beach and on the Miskitu Keys just off the coast. Drug runners carrying the cocaine north apparently dump it overboard when pursued by authorities. Cocaine wealth has been used differently in two local communities. In Sandy Bay, cocaine money has been used to build new houses, schools, and churches, in a project of self-directed development. As a result, Sandy Bay appears prosperous. In Awastara, on the other hand, there is tittle evidence of new wealth from cocaine. Unfortunately, in all the coastal communities, cocaine finds have also led to deaths from overdoses, cocaine addiction among young men, and increased theft and violence. (Cocaine, drug trade, Miskitu Indians, economic development, violence) ********** A Washington Times story from June 11, 2002 (Sullivan 2002), deals with the cocaine trade in Sandy Bay, 40 miles north of Puerto Cabezas, on Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast (see Map). (2) Cocaine has also affected life in Awastara, fifteen miles south of Sandy Bay, where I conducted two separate periods of fieldwork (Dennis 1981, 1988). (3) However, the drug trade seems to have affected the two communities differently. The newspaper article describes the Sandy Bay council of elders commiserating over the social problems cocaine has caused in their community. Six young men have died, robberies plague the community, even the Moravian Church is said to be involved. One of the Sandy Bay elders tells the foreign journalists: \"Yes, the tribe is involved in the drug trade. And now they need help. Several years ago, sacks of Columbian cocaine arrived accidentally, floating in on the tides, in what the locals called a 'gift of God.' It has since turned into the devil's own trap, killing young Miskito Indian men and damaging the Miskito culture perhaps beyond repair\" (Sullivan 2002:A 13). At the same time, however, the rather sensationalistic article describes the freshly painted new houses in Sandy Bay, suggesting new levels of prosperity. Evidently there are internal contradictions involved in the current drug trade. On the one hand, cocaine creates serious social problems; on the other hand, it brings riches. In the absence of other economic opportunities, is the cocaine trade a form of economic development? After all, other kinds of economic development also have negative consequences. How does cocaine fit into the history of drug use on the Coast? And, how shall the social problems involved in cocaine use be evaluated without lapsing into pious moral judgments? [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] ALCOHOL AND COCAINE Miskitu ethnohistory reports the use of mind-altering substances from the early contact period. A native beer called mishla was brewed from fermented cassava and other fruits and vegetables. These homemade beers were drunk in great quantities at sikru, feasts for the dead, and on other ceremonial occasions. Distilled liquor, when","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"161-172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773780","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68992804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nationalism in Indonesia: Building imagined and intentional communities through transmigration","authors":"B. Hoey","doi":"10.2307/3773777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773777","url":null,"abstract":"Transmigration settlements are planned according to Indonesian government priorities, which intend them to help build an imagined community, a unified nation. They are also places where settlers struggle to build their own vision of community as a place where they feel they belong. This article introduces the history of the Indonesian program and the place of Sulawesi transmigration settlements in nation-building. (Indonesia, nationalism, development, transmigration, community) ********** Since its earliest days, the Indonesian transmigration program has established, literally from the ground up, thousands of settlements. Each of these is a unique confluence of people, places, and social and structural factors. Every settlement is faced with its own particular challenges and opportunities to become a community. At the same time, the settlements also exist within the government's bureaucratic and ideological framework of variously defined objectives that have been the program's agenda. They are planned communities in the sense that physical infrastructure is calculated as a whole and put into place in accordance with the program's objectives. Despite all the planning, the settlements ultimately succeed or fail on the intentions of those involved, which is a struggle between two quite different intents: the planners' and the settlers'. On the one hand, there are the deliberate objectives of the state to create and maintain an \"imagined community,\" on a national scale, of unified Indonesians drawn together into a single model of citizenship. On the other hand, there are the more immediate, sometimes much less coherent, aspirations of the settlers as individuals, and to varying degrees as groups, to succeed and establish socially, economically, and ecologically viable communities in a particular time and place, according to their own designs. Only so much can be planned. Beyond that is only intent. Realistically, community cannot be planned; it can only be intended. It is evident from the many layers of emotional meaning that are attached to the word or idea of \"community\" that the concept has meaning that goes beyond mere geographic place or local activity. The concept implies an \"expectation of a special quality of human relationship in community, and it is this experiential dimension that is crucial to its definition\" (Bender 1982:6). Thus, community may be better defined experientially. A settlement location and its infrastructure are planned, but a community must be experienced. In the case of these settlements, the state's intent is only partially realized. Where these settlements fall short of national ideological objectives, one might see an assertion of local purpose and the realization of intentional community as a distinct social phenomenon. (1) This article is based on research conducted in transmigration settlements of Sulawesi, Indonesia, in 1998, and analyses of government documents on transmigration and popular narratives. (2) Beginni","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"109-126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773777","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Older Women as Caregivers and Ancestral Protection in Rural Japan","authors":"J. Traphagan","doi":"10.2307/3773778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773778","url":null,"abstract":"Ancestral appearance in the dreams of older women is closely related to Japanese tendencies to center responsibilities for taking care of family health and well-being on women. Two points related to women and ancestor veneration are: 1) when confronted with the question of how people know they are protected by the ancestors, many informants turned to discussions of specific dream experiences in which ancestors appeared; and 2) although men report seeing ancestors in dreams and ancestral-dream experiences can happen at any age, the appearance of ancestors in dreams has gendered and age-dependent features. Particularly as they enter into middle and old age, women often become caretakers of the collective well-being of the family and the appearance of ancestors in dreams becomes a signal that something is amiss in the world of the living. Regular participation in ancestor-related rituals and reporting of ancestral dreams is one way in which elderly women, in particular, can exercise their caregiving role by mediating the worlds of the living and dead and conveying the concern of the ancestors to their descendants. (Dreams, ancestors, Japan, gender, elderly women, ritual) ********** Ritual behavior associated with shrine visitation and ancestor veneration in Japan is often organized around what can be understood as a total life-care system that is used to enact worldly benefits and well-being for oneself and one's family (Reader and Tanabe 1998). This life-care system involves reciprocal relationships between spiritual entities and humans that are enacted through ritual to ensure and maintain personal and collective well-being. Rituals associated with ancestor veneration are particularly important in this reciprocal and interdependent life-care system. In terms of reciprocity, the dead and living are linked through social interactions enacted in the context of ritual practice. Just as the living keep the ancestors socially involved in their world through ritual performance and provide for the ancestors through food offerings, often of rice and water, the ancestors are seen as watching over and protecting the people whom they have left behind. As one Buddhist priest from Akita Prefecture put it, \"There is a feeling of give and take between the living and the dead. The ancestors protect the living in return for offerings of rice.\" However, this relationship is not simply one of exchange nor is it necessarily symmetrical. Without ritual attention, there is a risk that the ancestors will become muenbotoke (lit., unattached or wandering spirits), not cared for properly by the living. In much the same way as one's children and other family members need love and attention, ancestors, too, need emotional support, which is expressed largely through ritual practice. Ancestor-veneration rituals serve to keep the dead attached to people in the world of the living through a combination of affectively and materially maintained bonds. The ritual obligations associa","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"127-139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773778","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The new silk road: Mediators and tourism development in Central Asia","authors":"Cynthia Werner","doi":"10.2307/3773779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773779","url":null,"abstract":"Within the past century, international tourists have increasingly sought exotic destinations in their pursuit of relaxation, escape, and adventure. Recognizing the opportunity to earn valuable foreign currency, developing countries have catered to these desires by encouraging tourism development. The interplay between \"hosts\" and \"guests\" and the impact of tourism on host communities have been recurring themes in the anthropological literature on tourism, but scholars recognize that these categories have several limitations. The terms gloss over the wide variation that exists in the tourist experience for both guests and hosts, and ignore the important actors known as mediators. This article examines the role of mediators in two post-Soviet Central Asia states: Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Mediators there are particularly important because neither country is well known in Western countries, and neither country inherited a well-developed tourist infrastructure from the Soviet state. These mediators are cultivating a positive image of Central Asia as a new tourist destination, developing tourist accommodations, and lobbying government institutions to support and regulate tourism. However, the industry is rife with conflict and competition. (Tourism, development, Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan) ********** Within the past century, international tourists have increasingly sought distant, \"exotic\" destinations in their pursuit of relaxation, escape, and adventure. Recognizing the opportunity to earn valuable foreign currency, most developing countries have catered to these desires by encouraging international tourism development. Some countries, such as Nepal and Jamaica, have gone so far as to make international tourism a top priority in their national development strategy. The anthropology of tourism emerged in the 1970s as tourists started to appear in places \"off the beaten path,\" such as Inuit communities in Alaska and Kuna communities in Costa Rica (Graburn 1976; Graburn 1983; Nash 1981; Smith 1989). The interplay between \"hosts\" (locals) and \"guests\" (tourists) and the impact of tourism on host communities have been recurring themes in this growing body of literature. While the twin concepts of hosts and guests are routinely cited, scholars recognize that these categories have several limitations. The use of these terms glosses over the variation that exists in the tourist experience for both guests and hosts, and unfortunately ignores an important group of actors, known as \"mediators,\" who actively promote and develop tourist destinations. \"Neither hosts nor guests in any tangible way,\" the category of mediators includes government officials, tourism planners, travel agents, tour guides, and travel writers (Chambers 2000:30). This article examines the role of mediators in the development of international tourism in two post-Soviet Central Asia states: Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. As the former Soviet republics make the awkward transition from","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"141-159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773779","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68992732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Weeping in a Taiwanese Buddhist charismatic movement","authors":"C. J. Huang","doi":"10.2307/3773810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773810","url":null,"abstract":"Emotion can be a locus of interpretation and a motor for religious commitment. This is illustrated with the thick description of uncontrolled weeping that recurred with the followers of a Buddhist charismatic movement in modern Taiwan. Ethnography of the ubiquity of weeping in this group suggests that emotion in religion expressed in tears is not limited to rituals or uncanny phenomena; and the devotees' and the leader's interpretation of weeping reveals the multivocality and the individual agency of the symbolic emotion. This emotion, expressed in weeping, is not a dialogue of culture but a construct of identity evoked by religious charisma. (Weeping, emotion, religion, charisma, Taiwan) ********** This article attempts a symbolic analysis of uncontrolled crying and its implication in the broader cultural context of a Taiwanese religious charismatic group whose devotees sometimes describe themselves as people who love to cry (Minnan, aikhau; Mandarin, aikuae). Sometimes they weep together, and many members trace their conversion to an inexplicable flood of tears. Uncontrolled crying is especially common among the female followers, who often sob, yet never wail. They remember having cried, and never try to stop any tearful fellow participant from crying, even during the most tranquil ceremonies. Such expressiveness contrasts with the image of Chinese people as rarely showing emotion. At the same time, the pervasiveness of their tears transgressed the conventional domain of adult public crying in Chinese culture. Wailing is not unusual at rituals such as funerals and weddings (Ahern 1986 [1973]; Blake 1979). The common perception of crying tends to be limited to wailing during these two events, characterized by performative expressions of loss and departure. Whether Chinese people shed tears outside these special rites and to what extent their tears represent multiple meanings beyond the sentiments of loss are themes that have not received much attention. A more important problem with the characterization is that it hinges the interpretation of crying on the metaphorical representation and/or reversal of the social relation enjoined by public discourse of patrilineality and patrilocality; i.e., ancestor worship elaborated in the funeral, and the severing of ties between a daughter and her family upon marriage. Although family (being both patrilineal and patrilocal) has been a primary source of emotion and of the construction of self in Chinese culture (Wolf 1968), a conflation of interpretation of emotional expression and metaphor runs the risk of restricting the multivocality of symbolism pertaining to the expression (Turner 1995 [1969]:41-43; Weller 1994) to an assumed mind/body dichotomy (Strathern 1993). A prescribed meaning structure of crying in relation to cultural ideology limits grasping other discourses involved and the importance of individual agency in interpreting emotion. The pervasive crying described here calls for an approach that","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"73-86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773810","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ritual, knowledge, and the politics of identity in Andean festivities","authors":"Rachel Corr","doi":"10.2307/3773808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773808","url":null,"abstract":"As anthropologists criticize the essentialist descriptions of South American indigenous peoples as anachronistic guardians of ancient traditions, some indigenous peoples are promoting just such an image of themselves. In 1996, political authorities in Salasaca, Ecuador, changed the process for selecting festival sponsors from appointment by nuns to a competition in which festival sponsors were tested on their knowledge of local culture and history, particularly a knowledge of sacred geography. (Landscape, identity, tradition, festivals, Andes) ********** Recent changes in the festive-ritual cycle in the indigenous parish of Salasaca in the Ecuadorian Andes occurred in the process for selecting a lead festival sponsor, the alcalde mayor. Rather than allowing the priest and nuns to choose an alcalde mayor, indigenous leaders instituted a competition in which candidates were asked questions about Salasacan history and culture. People changed the sponsorship system by implementing competitions that combined cultural knowledge and identity politics. The competition transformed the role of the alcalde until a new set of political leaders took office. People have now gone back to the old practice of allowing the nuns to select the alcalde mayor. This article traces the rise and fall of the competitions and the changing role of the alcalde. The competition was a ritual display of culture, but one that emphasized \"traditional\" knowledge from local elders. Several of the questions for the competition were about sacred geography: places such as mountains and crossroads that have long been a part of collective and individual religious experiences. This knowledge of sacred places has now become a symbol of cultural heritage and local identity, and the landscape has become a part of the identity politics of the competition for sponsorship. Beginning with a discussion of identity politics, invented traditions, and the display of culture with indigenous peoples in modern Ecuador, this article then turns to the sponsorship system, including the history of the institution of the alcalde and his traditional and modern duties. It then describes the competition for the post and the installation of new alcaldes in 1998. The focus here is on sacred places and the significance of the landscape to Salasacans today. The political use of sacred places as a topic for the discourse of \"cultural rescue\" reveals the importance of geography in the modern spiritual life of the people. They use sacred places not only as a symbol of cultural heritage, but also as part of their lived experience. The recent transformations in the festival-sponsorship system show how political movements at the national level affect indigenous communities at the local level. In this case, the national political slogans led to an emphasis on unique, local aspects of culture. IDENTITY POLITICS AND THE DISPLAY OF CULTURE The anthropology of modern Ecuador reflects recent discourse in anthropology as much","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"176 1","pages":"39-54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773808","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Irish farming households in Eastern Canada: Domestic production and family size","authors":"E. Hedican","doi":"10.2307/3773807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773807","url":null,"abstract":"Irish farming households in Eastern Canada during the postfamine period (1861-1871) are used as the basis for a theoretical discussion of domestic production and family size. The purpose here is to extend discussion of the Chayanov (1966) model of peasant economies, and offer modifications of this model based on empirical variations in Irish Canadian household composition, dependency ratios, and overall farm size. This article suggests that the topic of choice and the assumption of risk be made a more explicit part of the Chayanov analysis, since farmers' decisions regarding productive capacity are apt to be made on a more holistic view of a farm's assets, and not just on the basis of cultivated acreage per worker. (Irish Canadian households, domestic production, family composition, Chayanov model) ********** On the subject of farm performance, or what Sahlins (1971) referred to as the intensity of domestic production, previous studies by Kane (1968) and Symes (1972) have raised several important substantive issues concerning Irish households that have not yet been adequately resolved. (2) Kane (1968), for example, draws comparisons between rural households in southwestern Donegal and those of an Irish-American community in Ohio. Such studies of transcontinental relationships in Irish families are a valuable addition to the literature because they illuminate structural similarities and differences in Irish farming as adaptations to new ecological and social settings. Thus, farm performance can be understood in a transitional sense, as an adaptive process. Differences between Irish American and Donegal households affecting performance include kinship structures that \"serve as a central distributing point for services, minor economic aid, and the exchange of goods\" (Kane 1968:254). Based on ethnographic research in Ballyferriter, southwest Ireland, Symes (1972:25) concluded that \"the most important variable is the structure of the family unit itself [and these] variations occur both through time and through space.\" Examples of these variations include decreases in household size due to depopulation, transitional or structural factors such as those resulting in a change from \"stem\" to nuclear families, and a growing scarcity of farm labor. All in all, \"with a fairly rapid decline of household size during dispersal [resulting from emigration and moves to urban centers] and the increasing age and diminishing aspirations of the farmer, the level of farm production may be expected to decline\" (Symes 1972:35). This article on Irish farming households of Renfrew County (Admaston Township) in eastern Canada differs from those just mentioned in some significant ways. First, based on Canadian census data from the postfamine period of 1861-71 (Canada 1861, 1871), farm performance is explored in the context of population expansion, rather than depopulation, as is the case with most previous Irish studies. Theoretically, it is beneficial to study farming commun","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"101 1","pages":"15-37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773807","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}