米斯基图村庄的可卡因

Ethnology Pub Date : 2003-03-22 DOI:10.2307/3773780
Philip A. Dennis
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(Cocaine, drug trade, Miskitu Indians, economic development, violence) ********** A Washington Times story from June 11, 2002 (Sullivan 2002), deals with the cocaine trade in Sandy Bay, 40 miles north of Puerto Cabezas, on Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast (see Map). (2) Cocaine has also affected life in Awastara, fifteen miles south of Sandy Bay, where I conducted two separate periods of fieldwork (Dennis 1981, 1988). (3) However, the drug trade seems to have affected the two communities differently. The newspaper article describes the Sandy Bay council of elders commiserating over the social problems cocaine has caused in their community. Six young men have died, robberies plague the community, even the Moravian Church is said to be involved. One of the Sandy Bay elders tells the foreign journalists: \"Yes, the tribe is involved in the drug trade. And now they need help. Several years ago, sacks of Columbian cocaine arrived accidentally, floating in on the tides, in what the locals called a 'gift of God.' It has since turned into the devil's own trap, killing young Miskito Indian men and damaging the Miskito culture perhaps beyond repair\" (Sullivan 2002:A 13). At the same time, however, the rather sensationalistic article describes the freshly painted new houses in Sandy Bay, suggesting new levels of prosperity. Evidently there are internal contradictions involved in the current drug trade. On the one hand, cocaine creates serious social problems; on the other hand, it brings riches. In the absence of other economic opportunities, is the cocaine trade a form of economic development? After all, other kinds of economic development also have negative consequences. How does cocaine fit into the history of drug use on the Coast? And, how shall the social problems involved in cocaine use be evaluated without lapsing into pious moral judgments? 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引用次数: 13

摘要

在20世纪90年代,卡比萨斯港北部沿海村庄的米斯基图人开始在海滩和海岸附近的米斯基图群岛上发现被冲上岸的可卡因。携带可卡因向北的毒贩在被当局追捕时显然将其倾倒在船外。可卡因财富在两个当地社区的使用方式不同。在沙湾,可卡因的钱被用来建造新房子、学校和教堂,这是一个自主发展的项目。因此,沙湾看起来很繁荣。另一方面,在阿瓦斯塔拉,几乎没有证据表明可卡因带来了新的财富。不幸的是,在所有沿海社区,可卡因的发现也导致吸毒过量、青年男子可卡因成瘾以及盗窃和暴力行为的增加。(可卡因,毒品交易,米斯基图印第安人,经济发展,暴力)**********《华盛顿时报》2002年6月11日的一篇报道(Sullivan 2002)涉及尼加拉瓜大西洋沿岸卡贝萨斯港以北40英里的沙湾的可卡因交易(见地图)。可卡因也影响了沙湾以南15英里的Awastara的生活,我在那里进行了两次独立的实地调查(Dennis 1981,1988)。然而,毒品交易似乎对这两个社区产生了不同的影响。报纸上的文章描述了沙湾长老委员会对可卡因在他们社区造成的社会问题表示同情。六名年轻人死亡,抢劫肆虐社区,甚至据说摩拉维亚教会也参与其中。沙湾的一位长老告诉外国记者:“是的,这个部落参与了毒品交易。现在他们需要帮助。几年前,几袋哥伦比亚可卡因意外地随着潮水漂到了这里,当地人称之为“上帝的礼物”。从那以后,它变成了魔鬼自己的陷阱,杀死了年轻的米斯基托印第安人,并对米斯基托文化造成了可能无法修复的破坏。”然而,与此同时,这篇相当耸人听闻的文章描述了沙湾新粉刷的新房子,暗示了新的繁荣水平。显然,目前的毒品贸易存在着内部矛盾。一方面,可卡因造成严重的社会问题;另一方面,它带来了财富。在没有其他经济机会的情况下,可卡因贸易是一种经济发展形式吗?毕竟,其他类型的经济发展也有负面影响。可卡因是如何与海岸的毒品使用史联系在一起的?而且,如何在不陷入虔诚的道德判断的情况下评估可卡因使用所涉及的社会问题?[说明省略]酒精和可卡因米斯基图人的民族历史报告说,在早期接触时期就使用了改变精神的物质。一种叫做mishla的本地啤酒是用发酵的木薯和其他水果和蔬菜酿造的。这些自制的啤酒在祭奠死者的宴会上和其他隆重的场合被大量饮用。蒸馏酒,当它通过贸易获得时,显然是以同样的方式处理的。贝尔(1989:96)是一位洞察力敏锐的19世纪米斯基图人生活观察家,他注意到了酒精的吸引力:“所有印度人都有酗酒的恶习,当他们能喝到醉人的酒时,他们既没有能力也没有欲望戒酒。对他们来说幸运的是,他们很少有办法买烈酒,他们自己做的醉人的饮料消耗了太多的食物,不能经常沉迷于其中。”在阿瓦斯塔拉,在某些情况下,在人生的某些特定时刻,饮酒对成年男性来说似乎仍然是一种不可抗拒的吸引力。饮酒行为也有强烈的性别差异:男人喝酒,但女人如果喝酒就会受到严厉的批评。饮酒行为还与生命周期有关:年轻男性在成为负责任的一家之主之前,经常会经历一段时间的酗酒。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Cocaine in Miskitu villages
During the 1990s, Miskitu people in the coastal villages north of Puerto Cabezas began finding cocaine washed up on the beach and on the Miskitu Keys just off the coast. Drug runners carrying the cocaine north apparently dump it overboard when pursued by authorities. Cocaine wealth has been used differently in two local communities. In Sandy Bay, cocaine money has been used to build new houses, schools, and churches, in a project of self-directed development. As a result, Sandy Bay appears prosperous. In Awastara, on the other hand, there is tittle evidence of new wealth from cocaine. Unfortunately, in all the coastal communities, cocaine finds have also led to deaths from overdoses, cocaine addiction among young men, and increased theft and violence. (Cocaine, drug trade, Miskitu Indians, economic development, violence) ********** A Washington Times story from June 11, 2002 (Sullivan 2002), deals with the cocaine trade in Sandy Bay, 40 miles north of Puerto Cabezas, on Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast (see Map). (2) Cocaine has also affected life in Awastara, fifteen miles south of Sandy Bay, where I conducted two separate periods of fieldwork (Dennis 1981, 1988). (3) However, the drug trade seems to have affected the two communities differently. The newspaper article describes the Sandy Bay council of elders commiserating over the social problems cocaine has caused in their community. Six young men have died, robberies plague the community, even the Moravian Church is said to be involved. One of the Sandy Bay elders tells the foreign journalists: "Yes, the tribe is involved in the drug trade. And now they need help. Several years ago, sacks of Columbian cocaine arrived accidentally, floating in on the tides, in what the locals called a 'gift of God.' It has since turned into the devil's own trap, killing young Miskito Indian men and damaging the Miskito culture perhaps beyond repair" (Sullivan 2002:A 13). At the same time, however, the rather sensationalistic article describes the freshly painted new houses in Sandy Bay, suggesting new levels of prosperity. Evidently there are internal contradictions involved in the current drug trade. On the one hand, cocaine creates serious social problems; on the other hand, it brings riches. In the absence of other economic opportunities, is the cocaine trade a form of economic development? After all, other kinds of economic development also have negative consequences. How does cocaine fit into the history of drug use on the Coast? And, how shall the social problems involved in cocaine use be evaluated without lapsing into pious moral judgments? [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] ALCOHOL AND COCAINE Miskitu ethnohistory reports the use of mind-altering substances from the early contact period. A native beer called mishla was brewed from fermented cassava and other fruits and vegetables. These homemade beers were drunk in great quantities at sikru, feasts for the dead, and on other ceremonial occasions. Distilled liquor, when it became available through trade, was apparently treated in the same fashion. The attractions of alcohol were noted by Bell (1989:96), a perceptive ninteenth-century observer of Miskitu life: "The vice of drunkenness is inherent in all Indians, and when they can get intoxicating drink they have neither the power nor the desire to abstain. Fortunately for them, they seldom have the means to buy spirits, and the intoxicating drinks made by themselves consume too much of their provisions to be indulged in frequently." In Awastara, drinking is still a seemingly irresistible attraction for adult men, in some circumstances and at particular points in life. Drinking behavior is also strongly gendered: men drink, but women are roundly criticized if they imbibe at all. Drinking behavior is also related to the life cycle: young men often go through periods of binge drinking before they settle down as responsible heads of families later in life. …
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