在台湾佛教魅力运动中哭泣

Ethnology Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI:10.2307/3773810
C. J. Huang
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(Weeping, emotion, religion, charisma, Taiwan) ********** This article attempts a symbolic analysis of uncontrolled crying and its implication in the broader cultural context of a Taiwanese religious charismatic group whose devotees sometimes describe themselves as people who love to cry (Minnan, aikhau; Mandarin, aikuae). Sometimes they weep together, and many members trace their conversion to an inexplicable flood of tears. Uncontrolled crying is especially common among the female followers, who often sob, yet never wail. They remember having cried, and never try to stop any tearful fellow participant from crying, even during the most tranquil ceremonies. Such expressiveness contrasts with the image of Chinese people as rarely showing emotion. At the same time, the pervasiveness of their tears transgressed the conventional domain of adult public crying in Chinese culture. Wailing is not unusual at rituals such as funerals and weddings (Ahern 1986 [1973]; Blake 1979). The common perception of crying tends to be limited to wailing during these two events, characterized by performative expressions of loss and departure. Whether Chinese people shed tears outside these special rites and to what extent their tears represent multiple meanings beyond the sentiments of loss are themes that have not received much attention. A more important problem with the characterization is that it hinges the interpretation of crying on the metaphorical representation and/or reversal of the social relation enjoined by public discourse of patrilineality and patrilocality; i.e., ancestor worship elaborated in the funeral, and the severing of ties between a daughter and her family upon marriage. Although family (being both patrilineal and patrilocal) has been a primary source of emotion and of the construction of self in Chinese culture (Wolf 1968), a conflation of interpretation of emotional expression and metaphor runs the risk of restricting the multivocality of symbolism pertaining to the expression (Turner 1995 [1969]:41-43; Weller 1994) to an assumed mind/body dichotomy (Strathern 1993). A prescribed meaning structure of crying in relation to cultural ideology limits grasping other discourses involved and the importance of individual agency in interpreting emotion. The pervasive crying described here calls for an approach that synthesizes the two anthropological fields of emotion and religion. Religion seems to have been sidelined in the sociocentric anthropology of emotion (Abu-Lughod 1985; Lutz 1988; Lutz and Abu-Lughod 1990; Rosaldo 1992 [1984]). 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引用次数: 14

摘要

情感可以是解释的中心,也是宗教信仰的动力。这可以用现代台湾佛教魅力运动的追随者反复出现的无法控制的哭泣的大量描述来说明。这个群体中无处不在的哭泣的民族志表明,在宗教中,用眼泪表达的情感并不局限于仪式或不可思议的现象;信徒和领袖对哭泣的解释揭示了象征性情感的多声性和个体能动性。这种以哭泣表达的情感,不是一种文化对话,而是一种由宗教魅力唤起的身份建构。(哭泣,情感,宗教,魅力,台湾)**********本文试图象征性地分析失控的哭泣及其在台湾宗教魅力团体更广泛的文化背景下的含义,该团体的信徒有时将自己描述为爱哭的人(Minnan, aikhau;普通话,aikuae)。有时他们会一起哭泣,许多成员将他们的皈依归结为无法解释的泪水泛滥。无法控制的哭泣在女性信徒中尤其普遍,她们经常哭泣,但从不哭泣。他们记得自己哭过,而且从不试图阻止任何泪流满面的参与者哭泣,即使是在最平静的仪式上。这种表现力与中国人很少表现情感的形象形成鲜明对比。与此同时,他们的眼泪无处不在,这违反了中国文化中成年人在公共场合哭泣的传统范畴。哭泣在葬礼和婚礼等仪式上并不罕见(Ahern 1986 [1973];布莱克1979)。在这两个事件中,人们对哭泣的普遍理解往往仅限于嚎啕大哭,其特点是表现出失去和离开的表情。中国人是否会在这些特殊的仪式之外流泪,以及他们的眼泪在多大程度上代表了失落感之外的多重意义,这些都是没有受到太多关注的主题。刻画的一个更重要的问题是,它将哭泣的解释取决于父系性和父系性的公共话语所要求的社会关系的隐喻表现和/或逆转;例如,在葬礼上对祖先的崇拜,以及在女儿出嫁后切断与家人的联系。尽管在中国文化中,家庭(父系和父系)一直是情感和自我建构的主要来源(Wolf 1968),但将情感表达和隐喻的解释混为一谈,可能会限制与表达相关的象征主义的多声性(Turner 1995 [1969]:41-43;韦勒(Weller, 1994)转变为假定的精神/身体二分法(Strathern, 1993)。与文化意识形态相关的既定哭泣意义结构限制了对所涉及的其他话语的把握以及个体代理在情感解释中的重要性。这里描述的无处不在的哭泣需要一种综合情感和宗教这两个人类学领域的方法。在以社会为中心的情感人类学中,宗教似乎被边缘化了(Abu-Lughod 1985;Lutz 1988;Lutz and Abu-Lughod 1990;Rosaldo 1992[1984])。与此同时,宗教人类学家将情感描述为特殊仪式环境中现象学经验的一部分,如治疗和精神占有(例如,Boddy 1989;Csordas 1990:18-23;Lewis 1978[1971]),似乎没有尝试将情感作为一个分析范畴。这篇文章通过哭泣来看待宗教,哭泣是一种非语言的情感表达,在多种情况下反复出现,包括但不限于仪式或不可思议的经历(Mitchell 1997)。通过对哭泣在多种情境下的解释,本文试图表明:1)情感,体现在非语言的不受控制的哭泣中,构成了对宗教魅力的承诺;2)灵恩派的宗教哭泣话语虽不符合台湾文化意识形态,但仍在更广阔的文化语境中挖掘哭泣的力量。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Weeping in a Taiwanese Buddhist charismatic movement
Emotion can be a locus of interpretation and a motor for religious commitment. This is illustrated with the thick description of uncontrolled weeping that recurred with the followers of a Buddhist charismatic movement in modern Taiwan. Ethnography of the ubiquity of weeping in this group suggests that emotion in religion expressed in tears is not limited to rituals or uncanny phenomena; and the devotees' and the leader's interpretation of weeping reveals the multivocality and the individual agency of the symbolic emotion. This emotion, expressed in weeping, is not a dialogue of culture but a construct of identity evoked by religious charisma. (Weeping, emotion, religion, charisma, Taiwan) ********** This article attempts a symbolic analysis of uncontrolled crying and its implication in the broader cultural context of a Taiwanese religious charismatic group whose devotees sometimes describe themselves as people who love to cry (Minnan, aikhau; Mandarin, aikuae). Sometimes they weep together, and many members trace their conversion to an inexplicable flood of tears. Uncontrolled crying is especially common among the female followers, who often sob, yet never wail. They remember having cried, and never try to stop any tearful fellow participant from crying, even during the most tranquil ceremonies. Such expressiveness contrasts with the image of Chinese people as rarely showing emotion. At the same time, the pervasiveness of their tears transgressed the conventional domain of adult public crying in Chinese culture. Wailing is not unusual at rituals such as funerals and weddings (Ahern 1986 [1973]; Blake 1979). The common perception of crying tends to be limited to wailing during these two events, characterized by performative expressions of loss and departure. Whether Chinese people shed tears outside these special rites and to what extent their tears represent multiple meanings beyond the sentiments of loss are themes that have not received much attention. A more important problem with the characterization is that it hinges the interpretation of crying on the metaphorical representation and/or reversal of the social relation enjoined by public discourse of patrilineality and patrilocality; i.e., ancestor worship elaborated in the funeral, and the severing of ties between a daughter and her family upon marriage. Although family (being both patrilineal and patrilocal) has been a primary source of emotion and of the construction of self in Chinese culture (Wolf 1968), a conflation of interpretation of emotional expression and metaphor runs the risk of restricting the multivocality of symbolism pertaining to the expression (Turner 1995 [1969]:41-43; Weller 1994) to an assumed mind/body dichotomy (Strathern 1993). A prescribed meaning structure of crying in relation to cultural ideology limits grasping other discourses involved and the importance of individual agency in interpreting emotion. The pervasive crying described here calls for an approach that synthesizes the two anthropological fields of emotion and religion. Religion seems to have been sidelined in the sociocentric anthropology of emotion (Abu-Lughod 1985; Lutz 1988; Lutz and Abu-Lughod 1990; Rosaldo 1992 [1984]). At the same time, anthropologists of religion describe emotion as a part of the phenomenological experience in particular ritual settings such as healing and spirit possession (e.g., Boddy 1989; Csordas 1990:18-23; Lewis 1978 [1971]) and seem not to have attempted emotion as an analytical category. This essay looks at religion through weeping, a nonverbal expression of emotion that recurs in multiple contexts including but not confined to ritual or uncanny experience (Mitchell 1997). Through exploring the interpretations of crying in its multiple contexts, this article seeks to show that 1) emotion, as embodied in nonverbal uncontrolled crying, constitutes a commitment to religious charisma; and 2) that the charismatic religious discourse of crying does not subscribe to Taiwan cultural ideology, yet it still taps into the power of crying within the broader cultural context. …
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