{"title":"佛罗里达州南部农村小镇企业的拉丁裔命名习惯","authors":"K. Bletzer","doi":"10.2307/3773801","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This article examines naming practices of Latino grocery stores and restaurants in an eighteen-county area of southern Florida. Business names denote cultural affinity and personal whims, and, like other forms of Latino cultural expression, they are drawn from the cultural roots of owners and clientele to connote the flavor and pride of Latino identity. Unlike other art or literary forms, however, business names reflect a commercial accommodation to the techniques and strategies of marketing more than a defiance of mainstream culture or the statement of cultural resistance to Anglo society. Their choices are strongly influenced by places and experiences that reflect Latino culture outside the local area rather than locales of current residence within rural southern Florida. (Transmigrant business, farm workers, naming practices and sociocultural identity, population expansion and rural settlement, southern Florida) ********** Discussing the shifting ethnicities that accompany the process of globalization, Hall (1991:42) calls identity \"the ground of action,\" suggesting that the way one identifies is what will most influence one's behavior. Rouse (1992) provides additional discussion on what this might mean for Latino immigrants, for whom, he argues, an alternative framework is needed. He suggests that Latino immigrants maintain interests and commitment to family and the town from which they came at the same time that they develop another way of viewing the world through their experience in a new environment. He calls views from these dual experiences \"bifocality.\" This article extends the work of these two authors, first by considering expressions of identity in naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants, and then by expanding the community of interest beyond migrant laborers to the entrepreneurial class within the Latino population. To do this assumes that the individuals who engage in entrepreneurial activities (specifically establishment and management of a business) may include men and women with backgrounds similar to their clientele. By way of a statistical analysis, I examine the formulation of immigrants as members of \"multiple communities\" (Chavez 1994) by testing the influence of place and experience on naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants. The context for this inquiry is the process of Latinoization in rural areas of southern Florida, chosen for the rapid growth of the Latino population within the southeastern United States and that part of Florida. Increases in Latino and Latino-origin Caribbean people within the southeastern United States are similar to processes of Latinoization in other areas of the country, notably rural California, where persons of Mexican ancestry predominate in many towns and small cities (Allensworth and Rochin 1998). At one time, Chicago had the largest concentration of persons of Mexican ancestry living outside the southwest (de Lourdes Villar 1994), but this has changed. Latinos are increasingly found in metropolitan areas, such as Washington, D.C. (Pessar 1995), and New York City (Sontag 1998) in the northeast, or small towns and cities in the midwest, such as Garden City, Kansas (Stull, Broadway, and Erickson 1992). Another area of the country that draws large numbers of Latinos is rural southern Florida. The term \"rural\" is to be used with caution. Three counties of interest in this article (Palm Beach, Miami-Dade, and Hillsborough) have sparsely populated portions that are devoted to highly productive agriculture, but also have metropolitan urban areas (West Palm Beach, Miami, and Tampa, respectively) for which the counties are better known. Residents of Miami-Dade County, for example, distinguish South Dade as the southern, agricultural portion of the county from the northern (Miami) portion (Bryan, pers. comm.; also Greiner et al. 1992:69n). Unlike the phenomenon of past decades of concentrated numbers of a single national origin that settle in one region or area (Allensworth and Rochin 1998), several national origins comprise the Latino population in rural counties of southern Florida. …","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"42 1","pages":"209-235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2003-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773801","citationCount":"10","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Latino naming practices of small-town businesses in rural southern Florida\",\"authors\":\"K. Bletzer\",\"doi\":\"10.2307/3773801\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"This article examines naming practices of Latino grocery stores and restaurants in an eighteen-county area of southern Florida. Business names denote cultural affinity and personal whims, and, like other forms of Latino cultural expression, they are drawn from the cultural roots of owners and clientele to connote the flavor and pride of Latino identity. Unlike other art or literary forms, however, business names reflect a commercial accommodation to the techniques and strategies of marketing more than a defiance of mainstream culture or the statement of cultural resistance to Anglo society. Their choices are strongly influenced by places and experiences that reflect Latino culture outside the local area rather than locales of current residence within rural southern Florida. (Transmigrant business, farm workers, naming practices and sociocultural identity, population expansion and rural settlement, southern Florida) ********** Discussing the shifting ethnicities that accompany the process of globalization, Hall (1991:42) calls identity \\\"the ground of action,\\\" suggesting that the way one identifies is what will most influence one's behavior. Rouse (1992) provides additional discussion on what this might mean for Latino immigrants, for whom, he argues, an alternative framework is needed. He suggests that Latino immigrants maintain interests and commitment to family and the town from which they came at the same time that they develop another way of viewing the world through their experience in a new environment. He calls views from these dual experiences \\\"bifocality.\\\" This article extends the work of these two authors, first by considering expressions of identity in naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants, and then by expanding the community of interest beyond migrant laborers to the entrepreneurial class within the Latino population. To do this assumes that the individuals who engage in entrepreneurial activities (specifically establishment and management of a business) may include men and women with backgrounds similar to their clientele. By way of a statistical analysis, I examine the formulation of immigrants as members of \\\"multiple communities\\\" (Chavez 1994) by testing the influence of place and experience on naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants. The context for this inquiry is the process of Latinoization in rural areas of southern Florida, chosen for the rapid growth of the Latino population within the southeastern United States and that part of Florida. Increases in Latino and Latino-origin Caribbean people within the southeastern United States are similar to processes of Latinoization in other areas of the country, notably rural California, where persons of Mexican ancestry predominate in many towns and small cities (Allensworth and Rochin 1998). At one time, Chicago had the largest concentration of persons of Mexican ancestry living outside the southwest (de Lourdes Villar 1994), but this has changed. Latinos are increasingly found in metropolitan areas, such as Washington, D.C. (Pessar 1995), and New York City (Sontag 1998) in the northeast, or small towns and cities in the midwest, such as Garden City, Kansas (Stull, Broadway, and Erickson 1992). Another area of the country that draws large numbers of Latinos is rural southern Florida. The term \\\"rural\\\" is to be used with caution. Three counties of interest in this article (Palm Beach, Miami-Dade, and Hillsborough) have sparsely populated portions that are devoted to highly productive agriculture, but also have metropolitan urban areas (West Palm Beach, Miami, and Tampa, respectively) for which the counties are better known. Residents of Miami-Dade County, for example, distinguish South Dade as the southern, agricultural portion of the county from the northern (Miami) portion (Bryan, pers. comm.; also Greiner et al. 1992:69n). Unlike the phenomenon of past decades of concentrated numbers of a single national origin that settle in one region or area (Allensworth and Rochin 1998), several national origins comprise the Latino population in rural counties of southern Florida. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":81209,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Ethnology\",\"volume\":\"42 1\",\"pages\":\"209-235\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2003-06-22\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773801\",\"citationCount\":\"10\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Ethnology\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773801\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Ethnology","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773801","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 10
摘要
这篇文章考察了佛罗里达州南部18个县的拉丁裔杂货店和餐馆的命名习惯。企业名称代表着文化亲和力和个人奇想,而且,就像其他形式的拉丁文化表达一样,它们是从老板和客户的文化根源中提取出来的,以暗示拉丁裔身份的风味和自豪感。然而,与其他艺术或文学形式不同,企业名称反映了对营销技术和策略的商业适应,而不是对主流文化的蔑视或对盎格鲁社会的文化抵抗的声明。他们的选择受到当地以外反映拉丁文化的地方和经历的强烈影响,而不是目前居住在佛罗里达州南部农村的地方。(移民企业、农场工人、命名习惯和社会文化认同、人口扩张和农村定居,南佛罗里达)**********在讨论伴随全球化进程而来的种族变迁时,霍尔(1991:42)将认同称为“行动的基础”,暗示一个人的认同方式将对其行为产生最大的影响。Rouse(1992)进一步讨论了这对拉丁裔移民可能意味着什么,他认为,对他们来说,需要一个替代框架。他认为,拉丁裔移民在保持对家庭和家乡的兴趣和承诺的同时,通过在新环境中的经历,他们发展出了另一种看待世界的方式。他把这些双重经历的观点称为“两面性”。本文扩展了这两位作者的工作,首先考虑了杂货店和餐馆命名实践中的身份表达,然后将感兴趣的社区从移民劳工扩展到拉丁裔人口中的企业家阶层。要做到这一点,假定从事企业活动(特别是建立和管理企业)的个人可能包括与其客户背景相似的男性和女性。通过统计分析的方式,我通过测试地方和经验对杂货店和餐馆命名实践的影响,检验了移民作为“多社区”成员的表述(查韦斯1994)。这项研究的背景是佛罗里达州南部农村地区的拉丁化过程,选择这个地区是因为美国东南部和佛罗里达州那部分地区拉丁裔人口的迅速增长。美国东南部拉丁裔和拉丁裔加勒比人的增加与该国其他地区拉丁化的过程类似,特别是加利福尼亚农村,在那里,墨西哥血统的人在许多城镇和小城市占主导地位(Allensworth和Rochin, 1998年)。曾经,芝加哥是居住在西南部以外的墨西哥裔人口最集中的地区(de Lourdes Villar 1994),但这种情况已经改变。拉丁美洲人越来越多地出现在大都市地区,如华盛顿特区(Pessar 1995)和东北部的纽约市(Sontag 1998),或中西部的小城镇和城市,如堪萨斯的花园城(Stull, Broadway, and Erickson 1992)。美国另一个吸引大量拉美裔人的地区是佛罗里达州南部的农村。“农村”一词要谨慎使用。本文中感兴趣的三个县(棕榈滩、迈阿密戴德和希尔斯伯勒)人口稀少的部分致力于高产农业,但也有大都市城区(分别为西棕榈滩、迈阿密和坦帕),这些县在这些地区更为人所知。例如,迈阿密戴德县(Miami -Dade County)的居民将南戴德县(South Dade)作为县的南部农业区与北部(Miami)区(Bryan, pers)区分开来。通讯。也见Greiner et al. 1992:69)。与过去几十年单一民族聚居在一个地区或地区的现象不同(Allensworth和Rochin, 1998),在佛罗里达南部的农村地区,几个民族组成了拉丁裔人口。…
Latino naming practices of small-town businesses in rural southern Florida
This article examines naming practices of Latino grocery stores and restaurants in an eighteen-county area of southern Florida. Business names denote cultural affinity and personal whims, and, like other forms of Latino cultural expression, they are drawn from the cultural roots of owners and clientele to connote the flavor and pride of Latino identity. Unlike other art or literary forms, however, business names reflect a commercial accommodation to the techniques and strategies of marketing more than a defiance of mainstream culture or the statement of cultural resistance to Anglo society. Their choices are strongly influenced by places and experiences that reflect Latino culture outside the local area rather than locales of current residence within rural southern Florida. (Transmigrant business, farm workers, naming practices and sociocultural identity, population expansion and rural settlement, southern Florida) ********** Discussing the shifting ethnicities that accompany the process of globalization, Hall (1991:42) calls identity "the ground of action," suggesting that the way one identifies is what will most influence one's behavior. Rouse (1992) provides additional discussion on what this might mean for Latino immigrants, for whom, he argues, an alternative framework is needed. He suggests that Latino immigrants maintain interests and commitment to family and the town from which they came at the same time that they develop another way of viewing the world through their experience in a new environment. He calls views from these dual experiences "bifocality." This article extends the work of these two authors, first by considering expressions of identity in naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants, and then by expanding the community of interest beyond migrant laborers to the entrepreneurial class within the Latino population. To do this assumes that the individuals who engage in entrepreneurial activities (specifically establishment and management of a business) may include men and women with backgrounds similar to their clientele. By way of a statistical analysis, I examine the formulation of immigrants as members of "multiple communities" (Chavez 1994) by testing the influence of place and experience on naming practices for grocery stores and restaurants. The context for this inquiry is the process of Latinoization in rural areas of southern Florida, chosen for the rapid growth of the Latino population within the southeastern United States and that part of Florida. Increases in Latino and Latino-origin Caribbean people within the southeastern United States are similar to processes of Latinoization in other areas of the country, notably rural California, where persons of Mexican ancestry predominate in many towns and small cities (Allensworth and Rochin 1998). At one time, Chicago had the largest concentration of persons of Mexican ancestry living outside the southwest (de Lourdes Villar 1994), but this has changed. Latinos are increasingly found in metropolitan areas, such as Washington, D.C. (Pessar 1995), and New York City (Sontag 1998) in the northeast, or small towns and cities in the midwest, such as Garden City, Kansas (Stull, Broadway, and Erickson 1992). Another area of the country that draws large numbers of Latinos is rural southern Florida. The term "rural" is to be used with caution. Three counties of interest in this article (Palm Beach, Miami-Dade, and Hillsborough) have sparsely populated portions that are devoted to highly productive agriculture, but also have metropolitan urban areas (West Palm Beach, Miami, and Tampa, respectively) for which the counties are better known. Residents of Miami-Dade County, for example, distinguish South Dade as the southern, agricultural portion of the county from the northern (Miami) portion (Bryan, pers. comm.; also Greiner et al. 1992:69n). Unlike the phenomenon of past decades of concentrated numbers of a single national origin that settle in one region or area (Allensworth and Rochin 1998), several national origins comprise the Latino population in rural counties of southern Florida. …