印度尼西亚的民族主义:通过迁移建立想象的和有意的社区

Ethnology Pub Date : 2003-03-22 DOI:10.2307/3773777
B. Hoey
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引用次数: 56

摘要

移民定居点是根据印尼政府的优先事项规划的,目的是帮助建立一个想象中的社区,一个统一的国家。这些地方也是定居者努力建立自己的社区愿景的地方,作为一个他们觉得自己属于的地方。本文介绍了印尼计划的历史和苏拉威西岛移民聚落在国家建设中的地位。(印尼,民族主义,发展,移民,社区)**********印尼移民计划从一开始就建立了数千个定居点。每一个都是人、地点、社会和结构因素的独特融合。每个定居点都面临着成为一个社区的特殊挑战和机遇。与此同时,定居点也存在于政府的官僚主义和意识形态框架内,这些框架的各种目标已经成为该计划的议程。从某种意义上说,它们是有计划的社区,物理基础设施是作为一个整体计算的,并根据项目的目标投入到位。尽管进行了所有的规划,定居点最终的成功或失败取决于参与者的意图,这是两种截然不同的意图之间的斗争:规划者和定居者的意图。一方面,国家有意在全国范围内创造和维持一个“想象中的社区”,将印尼人团结在一起,形成一个单一的公民模式。另一方面,作为个人和不同程度的群体,定居者有更直接的、有时更不连贯的愿望,即在特定的时间和地点,根据自己的设计,成功地建立社会、经济和生态上可行的社区。只能计划这么多。除此之外,只有意图。实际上,社区是无法规划的;这只能是有意为之。很明显,从“社区”这个词或概念所附加的多层情感意义来看,这个概念的意义超越了单纯的地理位置或当地活动。这个概念暗示了“对社区中人类关系的特殊品质的期望,正是这种经验维度对其定义至关重要”(Bender 1982:6)。因此,社区可以更好地定义经验。住区的位置和基础设施是有计划的,但社区必须有经验。在这些和解的案例中,州政府的意图只是部分实现了。在这些定居点达不到国家意识形态目标的地方,人们可能会看到地方目的的主张和有意社区的实现是一种独特的社会现象。(1)本文基于1998年对印度尼西亚苏拉威西岛移民聚落的调查,并分析了有关移民的政府文件和民间叙述。(2)从20世纪初荷属东印度群岛政府开始,数百万人自愿或有时非自愿地从该国政治中心人口稠密的岛屿迁移到人口稀少的印度尼西亚群岛离岛。这些外岛历来缺乏中央管理当局的直接控制和影响。虽然自由化的殖民和后殖民政府明确宣布移民是为了社会福利,但其隐含的议程是建立一个连贯的、中央管理的国家。民族国家的存在要求在地理上有限的空间与被认为是不可分割和根深蒂固的文化和历史之间建立牢固的联系。在印度尼西亚这样一个地理上和种族上迥异的国家,这一进程往往需要遏制当地人口的历史和传统,以支持更大的遗产。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Nationalism in Indonesia: Building imagined and intentional communities through transmigration
Transmigration settlements are planned according to Indonesian government priorities, which intend them to help build an imagined community, a unified nation. They are also places where settlers struggle to build their own vision of community as a place where they feel they belong. This article introduces the history of the Indonesian program and the place of Sulawesi transmigration settlements in nation-building. (Indonesia, nationalism, development, transmigration, community) ********** Since its earliest days, the Indonesian transmigration program has established, literally from the ground up, thousands of settlements. Each of these is a unique confluence of people, places, and social and structural factors. Every settlement is faced with its own particular challenges and opportunities to become a community. At the same time, the settlements also exist within the government's bureaucratic and ideological framework of variously defined objectives that have been the program's agenda. They are planned communities in the sense that physical infrastructure is calculated as a whole and put into place in accordance with the program's objectives. Despite all the planning, the settlements ultimately succeed or fail on the intentions of those involved, which is a struggle between two quite different intents: the planners' and the settlers'. On the one hand, there are the deliberate objectives of the state to create and maintain an "imagined community," on a national scale, of unified Indonesians drawn together into a single model of citizenship. On the other hand, there are the more immediate, sometimes much less coherent, aspirations of the settlers as individuals, and to varying degrees as groups, to succeed and establish socially, economically, and ecologically viable communities in a particular time and place, according to their own designs. Only so much can be planned. Beyond that is only intent. Realistically, community cannot be planned; it can only be intended. It is evident from the many layers of emotional meaning that are attached to the word or idea of "community" that the concept has meaning that goes beyond mere geographic place or local activity. The concept implies an "expectation of a special quality of human relationship in community, and it is this experiential dimension that is crucial to its definition" (Bender 1982:6). Thus, community may be better defined experientially. A settlement location and its infrastructure are planned, but a community must be experienced. In the case of these settlements, the state's intent is only partially realized. Where these settlements fall short of national ideological objectives, one might see an assertion of local purpose and the realization of intentional community as a distinct social phenomenon. (1) This article is based on research conducted in transmigration settlements of Sulawesi, Indonesia, in 1998, and analyses of government documents on transmigration and popular narratives. (2) Beginning with the government of the Netherlands East Indies in the early twentieth century, millions of people have been relocated voluntarily and sometimes involuntarily from densely populated islands at the country's political center to sparsely populated outlying islands of the Indonesian Archipelago. These outer islands have historically lacked the direct control and influence of the central governing authority. Although liberalizing colonial and postcolonial governments explicitly declared transmigration to be in the interest of social welfare, its implicit agenda has been to build a coherent, centrally governed state. The existence of a nation-state has required a firm connection between a geographically limited space and a culture and history that are perceived as undivided and rooted. In a country as disparate geographically and ethnically as Indonesia, this process has often required containment of the history and traditions of local populations in favor of a greater heritage. …
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