Irish farming households in Eastern Canada: Domestic production and family size

Ethnology Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI:10.2307/3773807
E. Hedican
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

Irish farming households in Eastern Canada during the postfamine period (1861-1871) are used as the basis for a theoretical discussion of domestic production and family size. The purpose here is to extend discussion of the Chayanov (1966) model of peasant economies, and offer modifications of this model based on empirical variations in Irish Canadian household composition, dependency ratios, and overall farm size. This article suggests that the topic of choice and the assumption of risk be made a more explicit part of the Chayanov analysis, since farmers' decisions regarding productive capacity are apt to be made on a more holistic view of a farm's assets, and not just on the basis of cultivated acreage per worker. (Irish Canadian households, domestic production, family composition, Chayanov model) ********** On the subject of farm performance, or what Sahlins (1971) referred to as the intensity of domestic production, previous studies by Kane (1968) and Symes (1972) have raised several important substantive issues concerning Irish households that have not yet been adequately resolved. (2) Kane (1968), for example, draws comparisons between rural households in southwestern Donegal and those of an Irish-American community in Ohio. Such studies of transcontinental relationships in Irish families are a valuable addition to the literature because they illuminate structural similarities and differences in Irish farming as adaptations to new ecological and social settings. Thus, farm performance can be understood in a transitional sense, as an adaptive process. Differences between Irish American and Donegal households affecting performance include kinship structures that "serve as a central distributing point for services, minor economic aid, and the exchange of goods" (Kane 1968:254). Based on ethnographic research in Ballyferriter, southwest Ireland, Symes (1972:25) concluded that "the most important variable is the structure of the family unit itself [and these] variations occur both through time and through space." Examples of these variations include decreases in household size due to depopulation, transitional or structural factors such as those resulting in a change from "stem" to nuclear families, and a growing scarcity of farm labor. All in all, "with a fairly rapid decline of household size during dispersal [resulting from emigration and moves to urban centers] and the increasing age and diminishing aspirations of the farmer, the level of farm production may be expected to decline" (Symes 1972:35). This article on Irish farming households of Renfrew County (Admaston Township) in eastern Canada differs from those just mentioned in some significant ways. First, based on Canadian census data from the postfamine period of 1861-71 (Canada 1861, 1871), farm performance is explored in the context of population expansion, rather than depopulation, as is the case with most previous Irish studies. Theoretically, it is beneficial to study farming communities undergoing growth and expansion as a balance to a focus on those communities in decline. Second, the longitudinal approach taken here, extending over a decade in the same geographical area, illuminates the extent to which variations in household size and composition affect farm performance. IRISH EMIGRATION TO CANADA Prior to the cataclysmic Great Famine (1846-49) in Ireland, emigration to Canada varied considerably from one decade to another (Elliot 1988; Houston and Smyth 1990; MacKay 1990; Mannion 1974; and Moran 1994). Migration from Irish ports to British North America (Canada) between 1825 and 1845 reached a high of 40,977 individuals in 1831 and a low of 2,284 in 1838. Curiously, corresponding figures for Irish emigration to the United States for this period are much lower, reaching a high, for example, of only 6,199 in 1842, and a low of 1,169 in 1838. Of course, sailing from an Irish port does not necessarily mean that the individual migrant was actually Irish. …
加拿大东部的爱尔兰农户:国内生产和家庭规模
饥荒后时期(1861-1871)加拿大东部的爱尔兰农户被用作国内生产和家庭规模理论讨论的基础。本文的目的是扩展恰亚诺夫(Chayanov, 1966)农民经济模型的讨论,并根据爱尔兰裔加拿大人家庭组成、抚养比和整体农场规模的经验变化,对该模型进行修改。这篇文章建议,选择的主题和风险的假设应该成为查亚诺夫分析中更明确的一部分,因为农民关于生产能力的决定往往是基于对农场资产的更全面的看法,而不仅仅是基于每个工人的耕地面积。(爱尔兰裔加拿大家庭,国内生产,家庭构成,Chayanov模型)**********关于农场绩效的主题,或者Sahlins(1971)所说的国内生产强度,Kane(1968)和Symes(1972)之前的研究提出了几个关于爱尔兰家庭的重要实质性问题,这些问题尚未得到充分解决。例如,Kane(1968)将多尼戈尔西南部的农村家庭与俄亥俄州的爱尔兰裔美国人社区的家庭进行了比较。这种对爱尔兰家庭跨大陆关系的研究是对文献的有价值的补充,因为它们阐明了爱尔兰农业在适应新的生态和社会环境方面的结构相似性和差异性。因此,农场绩效可以从过渡意义上理解为一个适应过程。爱尔兰裔美国人和多尼戈尔人家庭之间影响绩效的差异包括“作为服务、小额经济援助和商品交换的中心分配点”的亲属关系结构(Kane 1968:254)。赛姆斯(1972:25)根据在爱尔兰西南部巴利费里特(Ballyferriter)进行的人种学研究得出结论:“最重要的变量是家庭单位本身的结构,而这些变化是随着时间和空间而发生的。”这些变化的例子包括由于人口减少、过渡性或结构性因素(如导致从“干系”家庭向核心家庭转变的因素)造成的家庭规模减少,以及农业劳动力日益短缺。总而言之,“随着人口分散期间(由于移民和向城市中心的迁移)家庭规模的迅速下降,以及农民年龄的增长和愿望的减少,农业生产水平可能会下降”(Symes 1972:35)。这篇关于加拿大东部Renfrew县(Admaston乡)爱尔兰农户的文章与刚才提到的有一些重要的不同之处。首先,基于1861-71年饥荒后时期的加拿大人口普查数据(加拿大1861年,1871年),农场表现是在人口扩张的背景下探索的,而不是像大多数以前的爱尔兰研究那样人口减少。从理论上讲,研究正在增长和扩张的农业社区与关注那些正在衰退的社区是有益的。其次,本文采用的纵向方法,在同一地理区域延续了十多年,阐明了家庭规模和组成的变化对农业绩效的影响程度。在爱尔兰发生灾难性的大饥荒(1846- 1849)之前,每十年向加拿大的移民变化很大(Elliot 1988;Houston and Smyth 1990;麦凯1990;Mannion 1974;and Moran 1994)。1825年至1845年间,从爱尔兰港口到英属北美(加拿大)的移民人数在1831年达到了40,977人的最高点,在1838年达到了2,284人的最低点。奇怪的是,这一时期爱尔兰移民到美国的相应数字要低得多,例如,1842年只有6199人达到最高点,1838年只有1169人达到最低点。当然,从爱尔兰港口起航并不一定意味着这个移民就是爱尔兰人。…
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