Journal of the Warburg Institute最新文献

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An Echo of the "Paragone" in Shakespeare 莎士比亚“典范”的回声
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750102
A. Blunt
{"title":"An Echo of the \"Paragone\" in Shakespeare","authors":"A. Blunt","doi":"10.2307/750102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750102","url":null,"abstract":"T o the modern reader the dialogue between the poet and the painter in the first scene of Timon of Athens is above all a brilliant analysis of professional rivalry; but for the educated man of Shakespeare's day it had overtones which can now only be reconstructed by a conscious effort and with the aid of scholarship. The audience of that time would not have regarded it simply as a casual conversation between two","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"442 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116502825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Giordano Bruno between Tragedy and Comedy 佐丹奴·布鲁诺在悲剧和喜剧之间
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750103
E. Wood
{"title":"Giordano Bruno between Tragedy and Comedy","authors":"E. Wood","doi":"10.2307/750103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750103","url":null,"abstract":"and those that treat of the comparison between poetry and painting do so from the writer's point of view, whereas it is one of the peculiar characteristics of the scene in Timon that it is the painter who has the last word. The English writers on poetry of this period seem not to consider the likenesses between the two arts, and nowhere in the works of the ancients is there talk of actual rivalry between them.' It is far more likely that the subject was discussed in the intellectual circles in which","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134016798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Dürer's "Männerbad": A Dionysian Mystery 德雷克的“Männerbad”:一个酒神之谜
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750106
E. Wood
{"title":"Dürer's \"Männerbad\": A Dionysian Mystery","authors":"E. Wood","doi":"10.2307/750106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750106","url":null,"abstract":"picture correctly; for the place is a public bathing establishment isolated from the outside world by a low wall in the foreground and a fence in the back. Within these precincts there are four bathers and two musicians. Each of the bathers is supplied with a particular attribute. The melancholy man on the left leans against a water tap, the fierce-looking fellow in the left foreground has in his hand a scraping knife. He is faced by a man who holds a flower; while the man sitting in the back -a distinctly phlegmatic type drinking from a mug-is the only one of the four whose allegiance to Dionysus is clear at first sight. The two musicians, very fittingly placed next to the drinker, seem intent upon luring to their side the melancholy man at the water tap who, true to the melancholy temperament, is susceptible to the attractions of music. In the background a young man looks in and seems to watch the proceedings with curiosity. We shall find later that he is the key figure to the whole story. The four bathers exhibit four different forms of purification. The two in the back believe in ablutions, though the phlegmatic man prefers the internal application to the external one. There is no evidence that his melancholy partner on the left does not really share his prejudice; for though he leans against the water tap he makes no effort to use it. His relation to that tap -or rather of that tap to him-is one of the 'problems' of the picture; for Diirer has indulged at this point in a robust pictorial and verbal pun. The German word for tap is Hahn (cock); and to make his meaning explicit, Diirer has not only placed the tap in the correct relation to the body of the man but has also decorated it with a little cock. The melancholy attitude of the bearer now assumes a new significance with regard to the drinker on the other side. It is one of the disabilities of melancholy men, due to their excessively dry constitution, that their digestive organs, including their bladders, are not as active as they desire: which tends to increase their sadness. The musicians who try to lure the sufferer to their side, seem to know the cure for his ailment. The purification which the melancholy patient craves can be produced by the methods of his phlegmatic opponent. The liquid which the one absorbs as wine might be released by the other as water : a very plain illustration of Systole and Diastole. A parallel argument applies to the two men in the front. As the man at the water tap seemed to contemplate (in the first reading) the merits of washing, so the man with the cleansing knife advocates with some ferocity the virtues of scratching. His opponent again prefers the internal to the external treatment. He is for inhaling the scent of a flower. The contrast is clear: the one believes in removing the dirt from one's skin, the other in absorbing the aroma of purity through the nose. Again Diastole as opposed to Systole. Though Dionysus is the god of purification and purging,","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"295 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123078014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Machiavelli and Guicciardini 马基雅维利和奎恰迪尼
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750104
F. Gilbert
{"title":"Machiavelli and Guicciardini","authors":"F. Gilbert","doi":"10.2307/750104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750104","url":null,"abstract":"In the third volume of his work on \"Le Machiav6lisme\", published in 1936, Charles Benoist deals with \"le machiav6lisme apres Machiavel,\"' devoting six chapters of his book to a discussion of the relation between Machiavelli and Guicciardini and endeavouring to prove that Guicciardini was greatly influenced in his thought by Machiavelli. This conclusion is refuted by V. Luciani who published last year in the Archivio Storico Italiano a critical survey of publications concerned with Guicciardini.2 Luciani criticizes Benoist on the ground that he has taken isolated sentences from Guicciardini's works and compared them with equally isolated passages from Machiavelli and that such a method cannot produce a sound result. While fully agreeing with what Luciani says about the superficiality of Benoist's approach, it seems to me that he goes too far when he adds that this failure is the inevitable outcome of any attempt to establish a connection between the works of Machiavelli and Guicciardini : \"Non crediamo ad ogni modo che questi due spiriti, affini si, ma pur diversi tra loro per molti lati, abbiano subito l'influenza l'uno dell' altro, tanto piit che la mente del Guicciardini si era formato certamente prima che egli potesse avere conoscenza del Principe.\" The issue raised by Luciani is dependent, of course, on the meaning that is given to the word 'influence.' If only those factors that act upon man's mind while it is still being formed are considered as 'influence,' then Luciani is right, and there is no possibility that Machiavelli influenced Guicciardini. In his very first work, the Storie Fiorentine,3 which was completed before Machiavelli had begun to write the Prince, Guicciardini already reveals the distinctive traits which persist through the whole of his life. As early as this, he stands out as the Florentine patrician exhibiting the benefits and limitations of an outlook determined by class, he displays the keen, legally trained mind to which the rich intellectual heritage of the 15th century was only a useful instrument for practical ends, he shows himself possessed of an exclusive, passionate devotion to the world of history and politics. His mind, in its essential features, is definitely formed. Yet this is but the frame, and within it his political thought shows change and development. The various political projects which he drew up between 1512 and 15314 not only differ from one another because of adjustments forced upon him by changes in the political scene, but disclose a gradual transformation of his ideas on such problems as freedom, the powers of government or the ends of foreign policy. The clearest evidence, however, of his intellectual development lies in the difference of historical method and principles between the Storie Fiorentine of his youth and the Storia d'Italia, the work of the mature man. This development5 indicates that his thought must have been affected by outside factors, and that, in the broader sense of the wo","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128685483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 55
Shakespeare and the Astrology of His Time 莎士比亚和他那个时代的占星术
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750101
Moriz Sondheim
{"title":"Shakespeare and the Astrology of His Time","authors":"Moriz Sondheim","doi":"10.2307/750101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750101","url":null,"abstract":"In the England of Shakespeare's day, as in the rest of Renaissance Europe, there was wide-spread belief in the power of the stars. There is evidence of this in the many almanacs and prognostications\" which have been preserved, in the numerous writings for and against astrology,2 and in countless astrological statements and references in the literature of the time. In particular the frequent mention of astrology in the drama, which baffles even learned commentators today, presupposes an audience familiar with the subject and with its technical terminology. The characters in Shakespeare's plays have much to say about the stars, and most of them believe in their influence on human destiny, but a few of them express nothing but scorn and disdain for such superstition. In King Lear, for example, Kent is convinced that the stars exert an influence on human characters (Act IV, sc. 3), which is denied by Edmund (Act I, sc. 2). Since the characters in his plays contradict one another it is difficult o define Shakespeare's own attitude; and the commentators who have studied this question have reached varying conclusions. Camden holds that it is impossible to define Shakespeare's attitude towards the science of astral predictions and quotes Kittridge, who, on the subject of Shakespeare's 'beliefs in general' gives the plausible answer, 'namely, that we do not know.'3 And yet I cannot think we are justified in adopting this view. Even though we may not hope to find complete documentary evidence, the investigations of astrological belief in Shakespeare's environment may bring us nearer the solution of the problem. Shakespeare's general mode of thought, as expressed in his works, may provide confirmation, and we may even be fortunate enough to discover statements made by the poet himself which can be regarded as embodying his own opinion on astrology. II","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121541994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 8
Cornelio Vitelli in France and England 法国和英国的Cornelio Vitelli
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750099
R. Weiss
{"title":"Cornelio Vitelli in France and England","authors":"R. Weiss","doi":"10.2307/750099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750099","url":null,"abstract":"humanism, as conceived by Petrarch and his followers, began to insinuate itself into the Universities of Germany, France, and England and developed into that movement which was eventually to displace mediaeval earning. The history of humanism in western Europe during the second half of the fifteenth century records several instances of Italian humanists teaching in Universities outside Italy. Gregorio Tifernate, Gerolamo Balbo, and Fausto Andrelini taught in France; Caio Auberino in England; Cornelio Vitelli in France and England; and Stefano Surigone in Germany, England, and the Low Countries. Among these, the activities of Cornelio Vitelli in France and England are of some interest, not only in showing us the","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133298128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Giordano Bruno's Conflict with Oxford 布鲁诺与牛津的冲突
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750100
F. Yates
{"title":"Giordano Bruno's Conflict with Oxford","authors":"F. Yates","doi":"10.2307/750100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750100","url":null,"abstract":"When Giordano Bruno came to Elizabethan Oxford and expounded his Copernican philosophy he met with a great deal of opposition, some idea of which can be gathered from his Cena de le ceneri (1584)1, in which he describes an encounter with two Aristotelian pedants, and from the beginning of his De la causa, principio e uno2, where he makes a half-hearted apology for the strictures on English academic learning in the earlier work. Writers on Bruno have generally assumed that his clash with Aristotelianism in England is symbolic of the conflict between the \"old\" and the \"new,\" the \"old,\" in their eyes, being the medieval world-system and the authoritarian rigidity of mediaeval Aristotelianism whilst the \"new\" is represented by what they believe to be Bruno's acceptance of the new science (i.e. the Copernican theory) on rational grounds and his determination to build upon it a thought-structure unhampered by the chains of scholastic orthodoxy. On this view Torquato and Nundinio, the Oxford Aristotelians of the Cena de le ceneri, would represent the dead hand of traditionalism lying heavy upon their ancient university, whilst Bruno's stormy encounter with them would typify the new boldness of Renaissance thought breaking through Ptolemaic barriers into the boundless possibilities of the infinite. A suspicion that this generalisation may be misleading can be gained by a study of the historical background of Bruno's visit to England. A moment's reflection will suggest that the Oxford truly representative of mediaeval philosophy must have been severely shaken under Henry VIII, ravaged under Edward VI, and confused by the counter revolution under Mary, so that in these Elizabethan years of Bruno's visit it can hardly have borne much resemblance to the Oxford of Roger Bacon or of Duns Scotus. Bruno's biographers have not ignored this fact. One of the earliest of them gave a fairly comprehensive account of the upheavals at Oxford since the Middle Ages and knew that the reputation of the university had suffered in the process.3 One of the most authoritative was aware that the doctors whom Bruno met at Oxford were of a new kind.4 But there has been no systematic attempt to relate the English background to the character of Bruno's satire as a whole, and it is vaguely assumed that Oxford was disgusted with him because of the \"modernity\" of his ideas. A more exact study of this question has recently been made by Signor L. Limentani5 who, in the course of an examination of the mention of Bruno by Gabriel Harvey, points out that Harvey was a Ramist and discusses what effect his might be likely to have had upon his reactions to Bruno. This recognition of the fact that Ramist anti-Aristotelianism existed in the England which Bruno visited should serve as a reminder that Tudor philosophy was not mediaeval","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117001890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7
The Triclinium in Religious Art 宗教艺术中的三角乐器
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750107
A. Blunt
{"title":"The Triclinium in Religious Art","authors":"A. Blunt","doi":"10.2307/750107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750107","url":null,"abstract":"Mercurium versipelle sidus . . . tum ordine inverso . . . Saturnum aquam senem, scilicet, damnatae frigiditatis\"! (Heptaplus, expos. II, cap. II). On the unusual physiognomy of Burgkmair's Mercury, see above, p. 211, note 2. 1 Cf. the portrait of Alberto Pio in the National Gallery (Mond Collection). 2 It is certainly not by accident that water is represented in this picture no less than three times : in the foreground by the bath, in the background on the right by the well, in the background on the left by the river. A background with water is the normal form also in serious pictures of inspiration (see, for example, pl. 41b). THE TRICLINIUM IN RELIGIOUS ART","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"212 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115974553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
'Hercules' and 'Orpheus': Two Mock-Heroic Designs by Dürer “赫拉克勒斯”和“俄耳甫斯”:两个模仿英雄的设计
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1939-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/750098
E. Wind
{"title":"'Hercules' and 'Orpheus': Two Mock-Heroic Designs by Dürer","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750098","url":null,"abstract":"I. A Hybrid between Hercules and Mercury It is one of the misfortunes of the German philosophers and artists that the heaviness of their serious productions has been more deeply appreciated than their sense of humour. Nietzsche is remembered for 'Zarathustra,' but not for 'Frdhliche Wissenschaft'; Kant for the 'Kritik der reinen Vernunft,' but hardly for the 'Triiume eines Geistersehers.' The same prejudice has distorted the reputation of Albrecht Duirer. When a design of his looks plainly funny, critics assume that he is being clumsy rather than that he is making a joke. The print reproduced on plate 39a is generally regarded as an awkward attempt by the young Diirer to adopt the grand diction of the Italian style. The chief figures are known to be imitations from Mantegna and Pollaiuolo,l and the queer effect of their juxtaposition is attributed to Diirer's lack of experience in handling this new idiom. We shall find, however, that what has been mistaken for a pedantic exercise by a provincial pupil is really the effusion of a masterly wit with a strong cosmopolitan flavour. The picture shows a pair of lovers, a nymph and a satyr, attacked by a lively young woman, while a man stands in the foreground holding up a stick. The action of this man has greatly baffled critics, for they have been unable to determine on which side he is fighting. His aggressive expression seems to imply that he supports the attack on the couple, but the position of his stick rather looks as if he were trying to avert the blow, though he stands much too far away to do so. The traditional names of the print, of which there are three-'Die Eifersucht,' 'Der Hahnrei,' and 'Hercules'-give no solution to this riddle. The name 'Eifersucht' is a pure guess, and has nothing to recommend it except the widespread belief that envy is the most plausible reason for one woman beating another. The name 'Der Hahnrei' has at least this in its favour, that it was suggested by a visible feature in the picture: the man in the foreground wears a cock on his helmet. But though this emblem certainly calls for an explanation, the one offered is again a mere guess, and is moreover quite inadequate; for it gives no reason for the parts played by the woman in the centre and by the frightened little boy on the right. The third name, 'Hercules,' would certainly never have occurred to any modern spectator, but it happens to be the one which is supported by Diirer's own testimony. In his Netherlandish diary he himself refers to this print as 'Hercules.'2 A gallant effort has therefore been made to interpret he scene as a representation of Hercules assisting Virtue in her","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"78 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123540268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 10
"Borrowed Attitudes" in Reynolds and Hogarth 雷诺兹和贺加斯的“借来的态度”
Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750092
E. Wind
{"title":"\"Borrowed Attitudes\" in Reynolds and Hogarth","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750092","url":null,"abstract":"is too pure for the mouth of Vice.' In fact its particular tone of sensuousness falls just between the two, and can be applied equally well to both cases. It cannot, however, be maintained that in every case the music is equally appropriate in its new setting and in its old. There is no doubt that, working at the speed which he was forced to keep up, Bach sometimes made adaptations which do not fit in every detail. All critics seem, for instance, to agree that the music which in the Hercules accompanies the words :","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126903918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 20
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