Journal of the Warburg Institute最新文献_第3页

Stuart and Revett: Their Literary and Architectural Careers 斯图尔特和雷夫特:他们的文学和建筑事业

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750086

L. Lawrence

{"title":"Stuart and Revett: Their Literary and Architectural Careers","authors":"L. Lawrence","doi":"10.2307/750086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750086","url":null,"abstract":"James Stuart and Nicholas Revett first became generally known in the artistic world through that survey of the ancient buildings of Greece and Pola upon which they were engaged from 1750 to 1755, and the results of which were afterwards published as the Antiquities of Athens. The \"Proposal\" of the scheme must have been fairly widely known, because it was published no less than four times before the appearance, in 1762, of the first volume of the work itself, three times in England, and once in Italy. (By Colonel George Gray in 1751, by Samuel Ball in 1752, by Dawkins and Wood at some slightly later date, in London; and by Consul Smith, in 1753, at Venicel). In this prospectus Stuart and Revett stated their intention of recording systematically what yet remained of the ancient monuments of Greece in the same way that \"Rome, who borrowed her Arts, and frequently her Artificers, from Greece, has by means of Serlio, Palladio, Santo Bartoli, and other Ingenious men, preserved the memory of the most Excellent Sculptures, and Magnificent Edifices, which once adorned her,\" and doubted not \"but a Work so much wanted will meet with the Approbation of all those Gentlemen, who are Lovers of Antiquity, or have a taste for what is Excellent in these Arts, as we are assured that those Artists, who aim at Perfection must be infinitely more pleased, and better instructed, the nearer they can draw their Examples, from the Fountain-head.\"2 From the first, therefore, the work was intended not only to attract antiquarians, but actually to influence current practice in building, and its conception was a perfectly logical development in that movement towards a purer architecture which had led Inigo Jones to seek inspiration in Palladio's designs, and Burlington to go back still further to Palladio's antique sources. So natural, indeed, did such a step seem, that after the Greek revival really got under way in the early nineteenth century, Stuart was hailed as the spiritual heir of Jones and Burlington, and acquired a posthumous fame which was probably greater than his contemporary one. Gwilt, in his Encyclopedia of Architecture, (first published 1842), says: \"The chasteness and purity which the two last-named architects (Stuart and Revett) had, with some success, endeavoured to introduce into the buildings of England, and in which their zeal had enlisted many artists, had to contend against the opposite and vicious taste of Robert Adam, a fashionable architect whose eye had been ruined by the corruptions of the worst period of Roman Art.\" James Elmes, writing in the Civil Engineer in 1847, says that \"no event that ever occurred in the history of architecture in England, and thence throughout all Europe, produced so sudden, decided and beneficial an effect as did the works of James Stuart.\"3 The fact that Josiah Taylor","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133242791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Translation from the Ancients in Seventeenth-Century France 17世纪法国的古籍翻译

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750083

R. W. Ladborough

{"title":"Translation from the Ancients in Seventeenth-Century France","authors":"R. W. Ladborough","doi":"10.2307/750083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750083","url":null,"abstract":"\"Lanfin Malherbe vint.\" Boileau little thought that these words could be applied to the originator of a style of translating that he was one of the first to criticise. And yet Malherbe's translation of the thirty-third book of Livy is typical of the new era about to dawn in French literature, an era in which after a long series of civil wars the French nation created for itself a discipline. The refinement in manners and social habits inaugurated at the beginning of the century naturally had its influence upon letters. The salons not only produced writers of the type of Gomberville and Scudery but were indirectly responsible for a new type of translator. The age of pure savants was passed, that of original writers was come, whose task it was not only to modernise the language of the ancients, but to make it suitable to rank in politeness, grace and refinement with contemporary literature. In a word, translations, like everything else, had to conform to the biense'ances.1 The reading public increased as the leisured classes grew in size, and moreover it was a public to whom the ancients, if translated literally, would make hardly any and perhaps no appeal. Translators continued to open up new worlds, but worlds that had suffered much disfigurement owing to their efforts. Yet they were regarded with the same degree of popularity as original writers, and their numbers multiplied. The Academy welcomed many of them within its walls. Thus it is that Malherbe says in his extremely important preface2 : \"Si, en quelques autres lieux, j'ai ajoutd ou retranch6 quelque chose, comme certes il y en a cinq ou six, j'ai fait le premier pour eclaircir des obscurites qui eussent donn6 de la peine a des gens qui n'en veulent point; et le second pour ne tomber en des rdp6titions ou autres impertinences dont sans doute un esprit delicat se ffit offens6. Pour ce qui est de l'histoire, je l'ai suivie exactement et ponctuellement; mais je n'ai pas voulu faire les grotesques qu'il est impossible d'dviter quand on se restreint a la servitude de traduire mot a mot. Je sais bien le gofit du college, mais je m'arrete a celui du Louvre.\" War, then, was now declared between the Collige and the Louvre, a war which lasted for nearly two hundred years. Let us examine the protagonists and try to gather what were their aims.3 The most noted translator of the early part of the century was Perrot d'Ablancourt. He was the apostle of the literary as opposed to the accurate type of translation,4 and it was round his works that the battle was chiefly","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121917725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Monuments to 'Genius' in German Classicism 德国古典主义“天才”纪念碑

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750088

Alfred Neumeyer

引用次数: 5

Shaftesbury as a Patron of Art 作为艺术赞助人的沙夫茨伯里

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750093

E. Wind

引用次数: 9

Domenico Guidi and French Classicism 多梅尼科·圭迪与法国古典主义

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750094

R. Wittkower

引用次数: 1

God and Prince in Bach's Cantatas 巴赫康塔塔中的上帝和王子

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750091

A. Blunt

引用次数: 0

Hoffmannsthal's "Elektra". A Graeco-Freudian Myth

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750089

E. M. Butler

引用次数: 1

The Revolution of History Painting 历史绘画的革命

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750085

E. Wind

{"title":"The Revolution of History Painting","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750085","url":null,"abstract":"The commemoration of contemporary events in a monumental style of painting, combining a pretentious display of heroic grandeur with a claim for truthfulness in costume and portraiture, was censured by the Academies of the 18th century as an offence against good taste. There can be no doubt that the much abused Academicians had Reason and Nature on their side when they declared that the grand style and the faithful portrait manner are incompatible with one another, and that artists ambitious to paint heroes should take care not to make them look too much like themselves or their neighbours, or like the soldiers they saw walking about in the streets. If it is true that familiarity breeds contempt, the advice was sound that the hero should not be represented as a familiar figure. Yet the advice ran counter to the i8th century trend of historical literature, to the technique of enlightened criticism, which made a point of approaching traditional heroes with an air of familiarity. Voltaire, Hume and Gibbon were bent upon destroying the exaggerated reputations of heroes, saints and other pretenders to supernatural glories.' By exposing what Swift called \"the mechanical operations of the spirit,\" they advocated a view of life which would seek its glory in humane simplicity and reject as ridiculous the pretence that men can play the r6les of demi-gods. In substance, this view would seem to coincide with the academic warning that the grand style and the intimate manner should be kept apart. But the conclusion drawn from this distinction was the reverse. While the Academicians refused to depict ordinary men as heroes, the new historians refused to believe in heroes who could not be depicted as ordinary men. When Benjamin West supplied the controversy with a test case by painting in 1771 the 'Death of General Wolfe' in contemporary costume and setting, he explicitly appealed to the \"law of the historian\" :-\"The event to be commemorated happened in the year 1759, in a region of the world unknown to the Greeks and Romans, and at a period of time when no warriors who wore such costume existed. The subject I have to represent is a great battle fought and won, and the same truth which gives law to the historian should rule the painter.\" It is recorded that Reynolds tried to dissuade West from committing so flagrant a breach of academic rules, and that to give due weight to his argument he enlisted the support of the Archbishop of York. But on seeing West's painting he admitted that West had won his point and had managed to treat a contemporary subject in the grand style without offending the sense of decorum. It is curious, however, that neither Reynolds nor even","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132824194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 29

Piranesi's "Parere su L'Architettura" 食人鱼对建筑的看法

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/750087

R. Wittkower

{"title":"Piranesi's \"Parere su L'Architettura\"","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750087","url":null,"abstract":"The engravings reproduced on plate 27 illustrate one of the most important turning-points in Piranesi's career. After 1761, when he was in his early forties, there appears to be a crisis in his development. Behind it lie issues of general interest, which make it worth while to review shortly the whole situation. In 1761 Piranesi published his Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de'Romani, a book with 200 pages of text and 38 plates. It contains his view on art in a polemical form directed against two works : an essay by an anonymous English writer published in 1755,1 and Les Ruines des plus beaux Monuments de la Grice published in 1758 by the Frenchman Le Roy. The latter was much the more important adversary, for he was the first to bring home to the West the Greek architecture of Athens, an event of far-reaching effect. In the text accompanying his engravings Le Roy explains that architecture is a Greek creation, from which all Roman buildings derive. As the Romans are only copyists, their architecture is decadent compared with that of the Greeks. These principles, similar to those formulated by the English writer,2 awakened Piranesi's opposition. Hitherto he had lived in a purely archaeological world, and had not attempted any speculative theorising or criticism. But now his answer burst forth with satirical violence. It consists of three different arguments. In the historical field he claims that the Etruscans are an older race than the Greeks, that they developed the arts to a high degree of perfection before the Greeks really began and that for a long period they were the sole masters of the Romans. His second point is concerned with the natural gifts of the Etruscans. He emphasises that they were much more talented than the Greeks. They invented and brought to perfection sculpture, painting, mathematics, and the technical arts. This is proved by their remarkable constructions, such as the water-works of the Lake of Albano, the Cloaca Maxima, aquaducts, circuses, road-building, etc. His last point stresses a still more extravagant aesthetic theory : the Etruscans did not adorn their buildings; their grand style in architecture is comparable to the Egyptian. The Greeks for their part adhered to a vain prettiness and not to a grand style; they thought mainly of the ornaments, of the treatment of details, but not of the architecture as a whole; they took almost all the liberties that they wanted.3 In the later Roman Empire, when reason was replaced by caprice, architects","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125970158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 13

'Apollo and the Swans' on the Tomb of St. Sebaldus 圣西巴德斯墓上的“阿波罗与天鹅”

Journal of the Warburg Institute Pub Date : 1938-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/750032

J. Seznec

{"title":"'Apollo and the Swans' on the Tomb of St. Sebaldus","authors":"J. Seznec","doi":"10.2307/750032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750032","url":null,"abstract":"Of the many mythological figures which decorate the base of the tomb of St. Sebaldus at Nuremberg many have not yet been identified with certainty, nor has their source been traced. The solution of this problem is important, first, for a knowledge of the monument as a whole. For opinion is divided as to whether the function of these figures is purely decorative, like the putti scattered on the socles and the harpies carrying the candles, or whether they also have an allegorical meaning ; if the latter is the case, there must be a general scheme underlying the figures, which is related to the plan of the whole monument. Secondly it would be important to see how far mediaeval elements are mixed with Renaissance ideas which were at this time reaching Germany from Italy. General explanations for the presence of the latter in Vischer's work have been suggested. Vischer could have come to know antiquity through the Nuremberg Humanists, such as Schedel, Celtis, Pirckheimer, or through his sons who had visited Italy. So, for instance, M. R'au2 has shown that one of the Muses is taken from an engraving in the Quatuor Libri Amorum of Celtis, and that the Marsyas is derived from a woodcut which forms the frontispiece to a Venetian edition of Ovid (1497). S. Meller has found in a drawing by Peter Vischer the Younger, lately in the Henry Oppenheimer Collection, the siren holding a mirror, with the inscription Scylla.3 For my part I have come upon the source of the crowned Apollo, holding a sceptre and seated on two swans, in the very curious figure which occurs in the famous Mantegna Tarocchi series (D 20) (P1. I4c, d). In spite of the alteration of a few details the likeness leaves no doubt about the connexion. It will be noticed that the sculptor has even copied the mysterious sign in the corner of the Tarocchi. It is surprising that this likeness has not been observed till now. The influence of the Tarocchi in Germany has long been known. Loga detected it in Nuremberg from 14904; the Apollo was copied by Durer himself about 14955; and the strange and splendid fate of the Mercury, its naturalisation in Germany by Ditrer and Burckmair, is well known.6","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130850097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1