{"title":"Mary in the Burning Bush","authors":"Arthur Watson","doi":"10.2307/750028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750028","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125547211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Blake's 'Glad Day'","authors":"A. Blunt","doi":"10.2307/750026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750026","url":null,"abstract":"The coloured print known as 'Glad Day' (P1. I2c) comes nearer perhaps than any other of Blake's designs to the freshness of the early lyrics; but with poems and print the simplicity is only on the surface, and analysis shows in both a wealth of hidden symbolism, of allusion to the work of predecessors, of philosophical ideas. Blake's imaginative power, however, enables him to put all this into a form so light and spontaneous that one can long go on enjoying it without suspecting the artist's real intention, or the complicated processes which led to the production of the work. The history of 'Glad Day' from the formal point of view is somewhat surprising. Up till now it has always been assumed to be a pure piece of invention, possibly with some reminiscence of the painter's own physical appearance.1 But a comparison of it with a figure from Scamozzi's Idea dell' Architettura Universale,2 showing the proportions of the human body (P1. 12a), leaves little doubt that Blake must have had this","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123349172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Trinitas Creator Mundi","authors":"Adelheid Heimann","doi":"10.2307/750023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750023","url":null,"abstract":"Qince men mould their views about the origin of the world according to their religious hope for salvation, the Christian Church has always interpreted the account of Creation given in Genesis in the light of New Testament doctrine. After the Council of Nicaea had formulated the dogma of the Holy Trinity in the Creed of 325, the threefold God who governs the world in eternity was looked for and found in the stories of the Old Testament. Early Christian commentaries on Genesis are exceedingly numerous, and most of them repeat the same arguments about the part played by the Trinity in the Creation. Chapter I, verse 2 : \"Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas\" is taken to be a reference to the Holy Ghost; and verse 26: \"Et ait: Faciamus hominem ad imaginem, et similitudinem nostram .,\" is made to refer to the union of God the Father with God the Son; for the Creator is spoken of in the plural form (which occurs nowhere else). In support of this interpretation the first words of St. John's Gospel were quoted: \"In principio erat verbum, et verbum erat apud Deum . . . Omnia per ipsum facta sunt, et sine ipso factum est nihil, quod factum est;\" and this completed the argument. It was the threefold God who created man in His likeness and who redeemed him from his Fall through the sacrifice of the Son. Thus the Creation became closely associated with the plan of Salvation, a connection which Pope Gregory the Great summed up in the verse :","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124765575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Simile in Christine de Pisan for Christ's Conception","authors":"William Wells","doi":"10.2307/750027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750027","url":null,"abstract":"In this case the battle takes place primarily on the moral plane, for the designs refer to the main theme of Jerusalem, which is the supersession of the rigid Mosaic law of the Ten Commandments by the Christian principle of the Forgiveness of Sins. If this analysis is correct, the title 'Glad Day' must be considered inadequate to describe a design which implies a whole dogma in Blake's philosophy.1 At a pinch it could apply to the early version, but in its final form the couplet inscribed below it must be considered its true title. A. B.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128628989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Four Elements in Raphael's 'Stanza della Segnatura'","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750033","url":null,"abstract":"Of the many mythological figures which decorate the base of the tomb of St. Sebaldus at Nuremberg many have not yet been identified with certainty, nor has their source been traced. The solution of this problem is important, first, for a knowledge of the monument as a whole. For opinion is divided as to whether the function of these figures is purely decorative, like the putti scattered on the socles and the harpies carrying the candles, or whether they also have an allegorical meaning ; if the latter is the case, there must be a general scheme underlying the figures, which is related to the plan of the whole monument. Secondly it would be important to see how far mediaeval elements are mixed with Renaissance ideas which were at this time reaching Germany from Italy. General explanations for the presence of the latter in Vischer's work have been suggested. Vischer could have come to know antiquity through the Nuremberg Humanists, such as Schedel, Celtis, Pirckheimer, or through his sons who had visited Italy. So, for instance, M. R'au2 has shown that one of the Muses is taken from an engraving in the Quatuor Libri Amorum of Celtis, and that the Marsyas is derived from a woodcut which forms the frontispiece to a Venetian edition of Ovid (1497). S. Meller has found in a drawing by Peter Vischer the Younger, lately in the Henry Oppenheimer Collection, the siren holding a mirror, with the inscription Scylla.3 For my part I have come upon the source of the crowned Apollo, holding a sceptre and seated on two swans, in the very curious figure which occurs in the famous Mantegna Tarocchi series (D 20) (P1. I4c, d). In spite of the alteration of a few details the likeness leaves no doubt about the connexion. It will be noticed that the sculptor has even copied the mysterious sign in the corner of the Tarocchi. It is surprising that this likeness has not been observed till now. The influence of the Tarocchi in Germany has long been known. Loga detected it in Nuremberg from 14904; the Apollo was copied by Durer himself about 14955; and the strange and splendid fate of the Mercury, its naturalisation in Germany by Ditrer and Burckmair, is well known.6","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115735270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Note on Michelangelo's Pieta in St. Peter's","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750034","url":null,"abstract":"Critics usually consider it a psychological finesse of Michelangelo that the quiet and motionless grief of his Madonna in St. Peter's is contrasted with the 'speaking' gesture of her left hand.' Astounding though it may seem, it has never been noticed that the four fingers of this hand are not by the master. This is not only clearly visible in the original, but it is also confirmed by a document, which states that they were made in 1736 by GiuseppeLironi: \"2o December 1736. Scudi 9 moneta per tant' importa un suo conto di aver rifatto le quattro dita alla mano sinistra della Maria SS.ma della PietA.\"2 Engravings and replicas of the group dating from the I6th century make it possible to reconstruct the original position of the fingers.3 They were half-bent and nearer together, forming a spatial unity with the palm so that they were enclosed in the borders of the marble block. This is a gesture of resignation and submission to fate, whereas the hand as it appears to-day with the pointing forefinger has a rhetorical meaning with an appeal to the onlooker. The position and expression of the original hand was very akin to the left hand of Christ in Leonardo's Last Supper. And here we come upon one of the paradoxes of modern art criticism. Justi was the first to call attention to the resemblance of the two hands, and his observation was 'blindly' repeated by a number of other people.4 But what they were commenting upon was not the original hand of the Pieta' but the i8th century restoration. Justi and his fellow critics became victims of too good a knowledge of the High Renaissance : in identifying the hand of the Pieth with that of Leonardo's Christ they unconsciously read into the baroque movement the original self-contained gesture. R.W.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116165177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Poetical Sermon of a Mediæval Jurist: Placentinus and His 'Sermo de Legibus'","authors":"H. Kantorowicz","doi":"10.2307/750022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750022","url":null,"abstract":"Placentinus was one of the most influential and renowned jurists of the I2th century; and his fame, unlike the reputation of most of the other glossators, has continuously grown since. It was kept alive during the Middle Ages by the extensive use made of his Glosses and other works in the most important books of mediaeval legal science, the Summa Codicis of Azo and the Glossa ordinaria of Accursius; both quote him constantly under P., the siglum of his glosses. In the I6th century his three chief works, the Libellus de actionum varietatibus, the Summa Institutionum, and the Summa Codicis, were printed at Mainz by a certain Nicolaus Rhodius; his Summa Trium Librorum had already been printed repeatedly with the Summa Azonis. In the last hundred years several of his Glosses and many other minor writings have by the industry of German, French and Italian scholars been edited for the first time. His fame would have been still greater had it been recognized that the Quaestiones de iuris subtilitatibus, edited as a work of Irnerius, are in all probability by Placentinus, who was a pupil of one of Irnerius' pupils. One writing, on which he seems to have prided himself particularly, has hitherto remained undiscovered : his Sermo de legibus. I propose to demonstrate in the following pages that it is identical with the writing here published (p. 36.) His four biographers believed it to be lost.' As for the anonymous Sermo contra Pseudolegistas 'Interroga iumenta', the editor says that the authorship of Placentinus and the identity with the Sermo de legibus are neither provable nor probable, though possible.2 Even this mere possibility must be denied : the editor himself, a most competent critic, calls the sermon a legal tract of the less ingenious kind and written in a jejune style. But there is general agreement among the few experts that Placentinus was, though not the soundest, the most brilliant and independent of the glossators, that he was a classical scholar and poet as well as a jurist, that his style was of a rare vigour and elegance, and that his character,","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133784162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"'Grammatica': From Martianus Capella to Hogarth","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750037","url":null,"abstract":"of Time, known to Ripa through the interpretation of Macrobius, signifies that \"Consiglio\" is gained by the contemplation of past, present and future things.' The last strange symbol of Ripa's description, the heart on a chain round the neck of the old man, indicates that 'Good Counsel' springs always from the heart. All these symbols are literally illustrated in the woodcut accompanying Ripa's text (P1. I7b). A comparison with our picture reveals how largely the artist has freed himself from the tyranny of an erudite, intentionally intricate and secret language of symbols in which elements of late antiquity and scholasticism are fused. He leaves out most of the enigmatic and confusing accessories of Ripa's figure, reducing them to two expressive details: the book and the three-headed figure, with the meaning of which educated people of the I7th century were certainly acquainted. He transforms the symbol of the heart in a very personal manner, by showing a boy who listens to 'Good Counsel' coming from the heart of the old man.2 This configuration seems to have been suggested by a motive of Christian iconography, the youthful apostle John leaning on Christ's breast. It alludes to the ideal relation between the master and the disciple who abandons himself entirely to the teachings of supreme wisdom. It is characteristic that the painter drew his inspiration from those passages of Ripa which allowed a realistic approach, and at the same time found a way of alluding to the Christian code. Although he almost completely neglected Ripa's learned and esoteric suggestions, his intention remained didactic and moralising. This is indicated by the peculiar self-consciousness with which the two figures act their scene and address the spectator in order to tell him that they stand for a moral idea which should appeal to everybody's attention.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115284012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"'Good Counsel': An Adaptation from Ripa","authors":"L. Freund","doi":"10.2307/750036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750036","url":null,"abstract":"away. The Greek inscription under the death-bed scene makes it possible to identify the original piece which these moralising drawings are supposed to reproduce. It is the fragment of a marble relief in Paros' (P1. I6a), which represents an assembly of pagan deities -among them Kybele, Atys, Pan, Acheloos, Silenus and Nymphs-who are humbly approached by a crowd of worshippers represented as small figures in the right corner. It is easy to recognise and distinguish in this relief the three parts which have served as models for the three drawings.2 The worshippers on the right correspond to the Christians listening to the sermon. Even the sinner who looks away has his prototype in the pagan group. The saint delivering the sermon imitates the deity furthest to the right, who stands just above the worshippers. The assembly of gods that follows on the left has suggested-mirabile dictu-the death-bed scene; while the group on the top corresponds almost literally to the upper drawing : Pan playing the syrinx has become the gesticulating devil that sits on the right, the devil with the long horns takes the place of the figure with the horned head named Acheloos by modern archaeologists; and the crouching Silenus has been transformed into the apprehensive sinner himself. It is not sufficient to explain this idiomatic translation merely as one of the homely semiGothic distortions of ancient models, in which the pictures of this codex abound (compare plate I6b with plate I6e3). The designer was evidently inspired to make these alterations by the Greek text which Schedel ingeniously mistranslated. In the inscription AAAMAZ OAPYZHE NYMPAIL, which signifies \"Adamas the Odrysian (dedicates this) to the Nymphs\", he mistook OAPY2HE for a participle of the verb","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128103752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Blake's 'Ancient of Days': The Symbolism of the Compasses","authors":"A. Blunt","doi":"10.2307/750024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750024","url":null,"abstract":"No one who has turned the pages of Blake's Prophetic Books, as they were originally printed and illuminated by his special method, will easily forget the frontispiece to the poem Europe, a Prophecy (P1. 9a). It represents an old bearded figure kneeling on one knee, stretching down his left hand, and resting a pair of huge compasses on a sphere, of which a part is just visible as a scratch in some versions of the original. It is one of Blake's most impressive inventions, and one of which we know that he himself was particularly fond, for he coloured a copy of it for Tatham on his death-bed.1 We are told that Blake was originally inspired to carry out this design by a vision which hovered over his head at the top of the staircase when he was living in Lambeth.2 There is no reason to doubt that this was so, any more than in a hundred other cases in which Blake talked of his paintings and poems as the direct records of what the spirits showed him. But though the vision was no doubt spontaneous, it clothed itself-at least when it had been put down on paper-partly in traditional forms. For the imagination, even of the most mystically minded artist, is conditioned by what he has seen in the material world, and any new vision must of necessity take to some extent the shapes in which the artist has been accustomed to think.3 The subject of the design is usually (but, as will be seen later, not quite accurately) described as 'The Ancient of Days' and it illustrates essentially the phrase referring to the Creation from Proverbs VIII. 27 : \"When he set a compass upon the face of the depth.\" This theme is one which occurs quite frequently in mediaeval cycles of illuminations representing the Creation, in which it stands for the second day (P1. 9b).4 The compasses mark the","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127892568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}