Journal of the Warburg Institute最新文献

{"title":"Prognosis and Diagnosis: A Comparison of Ancient and Modern Medicine","authors":"W. Pagel","doi":"10.2307/750046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750046","url":null,"abstract":"Out of the great variety of concepts developed on the borderline between Greek philosophy and biology I shall choose one that seems of fundamental importance, namely \"Physis.\" Once we have made clear the meaning which the Greeks attached to this word, we can infer some historical and sociological reasons for the characteristic developments of Greek medicine and its specific ideology, and contrast its methods with those of modern medicine of the XVIth and XVIIth centuries. All biological theories enunciated by the philosophers of ancient Greece are solutions to one problem, that of the relation between the One and the Many. What unity is concealed by the multiplicity of phenomena? This unity is nature, and all philosophers before Socrates speculated \"On Nature.\" Thus, the Greek philosopher showed his yearning for enlightenment and science. He differed from his predecessor the theologian, who among other more primitive nations had been in charge of medicine, that is to say, of the practical application of the knowledge of nature. Mystical intuitions such as the identity of man and the world were, as Cawadias says, \"rationalized\" by the Greeks and converted into the doctrine of the elements, air, water, earth and fire, which build up the human body and the world, the microcosm and the macrocosm.' Convinced of one fundamental principle behind all phenomena, the Greek rejects the idea of a multiplicity of agents, such as gods and daemons, governing nature according to their own independent decisions. The basic principle in nature, which the Greek philosopher seeks, acts according to causal necessity. There is no better illustration of these scientific tendencies of the Greek \"Physiologoi\" than the Hippocratic treatise on the holy disease, epilepsy. The author says that this disease has been attributed to divine influences because men were so amazed at its peculiar symptoms that they had nothing to offer in the way of natural explanation; that referring natural phenomena to gods and daemons is but concealing one's own ignorance behind dishonest pseudo-knowledge; and that he wishes to show that epilepsy is as natural a disease as any other. This seems so much the more important as the therapy of a disease entirely depends","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130262962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Orphic Blessing","authors":"E. Bikerman","doi":"10.2307/750044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750044","url":null,"abstract":"Qrpheus is primarily associated with the magic influence of his lyre, whose notes enchanted the wild beasts, the trees and the lifeless rocks. But Orpheus is not merely the greatest of legendary musicians; he was also an inspired theologian' who discovered and revealed the way to Immortality and exhorted men \"to escape from death.\"'2 The music of Orpheus' lyre enchanted even the implacable lord of Hades. The alliance between theology and music is not so surprising as it sounds, for music was closely related to charms and incantations,3 and the Greeks considered music to have a civilising influence, which the merely 'technical' arts did not possess. The historian and statesman, Polybius, asserts that music has a soothing effect upon men; and in seeking to explain the savage nature of the Cynaetheans in Arcadia, he remarks: \"I believe the reason was that they were the only people in Arcadia to abandon the practice of music.\"4 One Orphic book specifically denied that \"Souls can ascend (to heaven) without a lyre.\"5 In the art of the Roman catacombs, where representations of Orpheus charming all nature with his playing are frequent, the magic power of his music becomes a symbol of the Christian Logos that overcomes even a heart of stone.6 The followers of the Orphic cult were the first among the Greeks to formulate (about 6oo B.C.) the solemn doctrine that our destiny in the Beyond is dependent entirely on our earthly conduct. The theory of reincarnation takes shape in various cultures, but it usually assumes the form of an automatic process;7 whereas in Orphism, metampsychosis becomes an integral part of a moral doctrine. During the cycle of rebirths the fallen soul was gradually absolved from its sins by saving faith and sacraments. From Heraclitus to the Neoplatonists, the Greek mind was fascinated by this theory that the destiny of each soul depends on its merits. We find it expressed by Plato, whose use of Orphic speculation on metempsychosis gave it a wide influence.8 Later the musical teacher of the religion of salvation was taken over by the Jews and Christians. In an apocryphal \"testament\" of Orpheus, forged by a Jew of Alexandria, the \"first preceptor\"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123049535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Lecture on Serpent Ritual","authors":"Aby M. Warburg, W. F. Mainland","doi":"10.2307/750040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750040","url":null,"abstract":"The observations on which this lecture is based were collected in the course of a journey to the Pueblo Indians made twenty-seven years ago.' I must warn you that I have not been able to revive and correct my old memories in such a way as to give you an adequate introduction to the psychology of the American Indians. Moreover, the impressions I gained were bound to be superficial even at that time because I had no command of the language of the tribes. Nor could a journey limited to a few months produce any really profound impressions, and if these have become even more vague in the interim I cannot promise you more than a series of reflections on those distant memories. I do so in the hope that the direct evidence of the pictures may carry you beyond my words, and give you some idea of a civilization which is dying out, and of a question which is of such paramount importance in our study of civilization in general : What elements are we entitled to call the essential characteristics of primitive paganism ? In the first place I shall deal with the rational (that is, architectonic) element in the culture of the Pueblos :-the structure of their houses with some examples of their applied art. In the ornamentation of earthenware we shall come upon the fundamental problem of religious symbolism. A drawing which I acquired from an Indian (P1. 44b) proves that what appears to be purely decorative ornament must in fact be interpreted symbolically. One of the basic elements of cosmological imagery-the universe conceived in the form of a house-is united in this drawing with an irrational animal conception, a serpent, which appears as an enigmatic and awe-inspiring demon. In the second place I shall speak of the masked dance of the Indians, which we shall study first as a pure animal dance, then as a dance associated with the cult of the tree, and finally as a dance with live serpents. A glance at similar phenomena in pagan Europe will eventually bring us to the question : to what extent can these remnants of pagan cosmology still obtaining among the Pueblo Indians help us to understand the evolution from primitive paganism, through the highly-developed pagan culture of classical antiquity, down to modern civilized man?","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115005064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Eagle and Serpent. A Study in the Migration of Symbols","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750041","url":null,"abstract":"In seeking to prove their case, 'diffusionist' ethnologists, who are concerned with the migration of symbols,1 have perhaps paid insufficient attention to those historical periods and civilizations in which the transmission of rites, symbols and ideas is adequately documented. And their opponents have been inclined to forget that in many fields of historical study the diffusionist method is already regarded as the natural starting-point of any discussion and, indeed, has often become a highly developed technique of research. On the other hand, students of European history have long realized that it is not enough, in order to understand a particular historical situation, to know whence a symbol came and whither it went. This method needs to be supplemented by the 'functional' method: that is, the attempt to understand the significance of a particular symbol in a given context. European history provides such a quantity of documentary material that it has long been possible to apply to it the functional method with positive results. In the present essay we shall deal with a very common symbol, the struggle between the Eagle and the Snake. Fights between eagles and snakes have actually been observed,2 and it is easy to understand that the sight of such a struggle must have made an indelible impression upon human imagination in its infancy. The most powerful of birds was fighting the most dangerous of reptiles. The greatness of the combat gave the event an almost cosmic significance. Ever since, when man has tried to express a struggle or a victory of cosmic grandeur, the early memory of this event has been evoked. Our procedure will be to argue from evidence to be found in the Mediterranean world. Since the migration of our symbol can be traced with certainty in Europe and the Mediterranean world of antiquity, it is reasonable to suspect that when the same symbol appears outside that area in different places and at different periods, it was not invented again independently, even if the connecting links are still missing. The most important part of such an investigation is the chronology, for the proof of the migration theory depends on it. Dates in ethnological material must quite often be based on uncertain suppositions; but in general, I hope, the chronological scheme here presented can be accepted. The 'functional' method applied to the European material shows that the same pictorial symbol, although always expressive of identical pairs of fundamental opposites, has in each case a very distinct meaning in the special historical setting in which it occurrs. Lack of space and lack of knowledge have compelled me to leave the nqn-European material in a more generalized form, although very often the exact function of the symbol could be worked out by specialists. 1 For a survey of ethnological methods cf. Alfred C. Haddon, History of Anthropology, 1934 and R. H. Lowie, The History of Ethno-","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125664159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Two Toponymic Puzzles","authors":"Sir George Hill","doi":"10.2307/750045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750045","url":null,"abstract":"I. Nemesos-Limassol imassol, the port in Cyprus, has had many names in its day, and the changes which they have undergone seem never to have been satisfactorily set forth or explained. The object of this note is to present the existing material, so far as it is known to the writer, in the hope that more competent philologists may solve the problems it presents?. The place does not go back to a very remote antiquity, the oldest remains recorded there being of the early Graeco-Phoenician age.\" It is not mentioned by Strabo or by Ptolemy. If we could trust the Life of St. Auxibios,3 Tychicos I was consecrated to the see of Neapolis (which, as we shall see, was the place with which we are concerned) in the time of St. Paul; but the history in its present form is not earlier than the fourth century after Christ, and a detail like this may be still later. Nor is it mentioned by Hierocles (about 535) or by Georgius Cyprius (in the time of Phocas, 602-6I o). The chief city of the region was then still the very ancient Amathus, and it was long before it was found that the future Limassol had a better roadstead. Nevertheless by the fifth century, long before the time of the last two authors mentioned, it had begun to be of sufficient importance to be an episcopal see; for it was represented at the Council of Chalcedon in 451 by its bishop Soter.4 Then, however, it was known as Theodosias or Theodosiana.5 It may be presumed that it took that name out of compliment to Theodosius II. How long it bore it we do not know; but the author of the life of St. Spyridon just quoted had to explain it as another name for Neapolis-the \"new city\" which was to supersede the neighbouring Amathus, although that place was to linger on, gradually decaying, as the seat of a bishop until the twelfth century. The most famous bishop of Neapolis was Leontios (about 590-668), the author of some remarkable popular biographies. It has been said that a bishop of Neapolis was present at the seventh (second Nicene) General Council in 787, but this is a mistake.,6 So far we have found no name for Limassol which could have developed","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129817931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pagan Sacrifice in the Italian Renaissance","authors":"F. Saxl, Alessandro Alessandri, Polidoro Virgilio","doi":"10.2307/750043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750043","url":null,"abstract":"n I667 Pierre Mussard, a Protestant minister and savant from Geneva, published a pamphlet entitled \"Conformites des ceremonies modernes avec les anciennes. Oh l'on prouve par des Autorites incontestables, que les Cdrdmonies de l'Eglise Romaine sont empruntees des Payens.\"' One chapter of this pamphlet, dealing with the Roman Catholic Mass as a propitiatory sacrifice, is an effort to prove that its essential features were derived from pagan models. As Bayle at the time was teaching that many pagan errors could be traced in Christian ceremonies,2 the subject was topical and the book aroused a certain interest; it was reprinted several times in Holland and translated into German. Mussard approached his subject as a militant Protestant launching his attack on the same lines on which the fathers of the Reformation had launched it.3 But he nevertheless took over arguments from Italian and French humanists, who had dealt with the question without theological parti pris. In I556 Du Choul, the historian of Roman religion, had ended a treatise with the remarkable statement: \"Et si nous regardons curieusement, nous congnoistrons que plusieurs institutions de nostre religion ont est6 prinses et translat6es des cerimonies Aegyptienes, et des Gentils... que noz prebstres vsurpent en noz mysteres, et referent a vn seul Dieu IESUS CHRIST...\",4 and still earlier, Italian humanists, Alessandro Alessandri5 and Polidoro Virgilio,6 in studying the liturgical rites of the ancients, had observed sine ira et studio that the bloodless sacrifice was first introduced by Numa Pompilius, that the Egyptians had appeased their gods with a host of bread, and \"ite missa est\" was of pagan origin. The humanists were the first to deal as historians with the problem Mussard discussed in the Conformitis. It is with this problem that we shall deal in the following essay. i. Pagan Sacrifice in Mediceval Art and Drama","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129486482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Tree of Life in Jewish Iconography","authors":"Zofja Ameisenowa, W. F. Mainland","doi":"10.2307/750042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750042","url":null,"abstract":"There is scarcely any symbol more ancient or more widely distributed than that of the cosmic Tree of Life with its promise of immortality and everlasting youth-a remarkable product of Semitic imagination in Western Asia. With the exception of the Cross of Christ, which is itself an embodiment of the Tree of Life in another form, no other symbol has been the subject of so much published research. The theme has proved so attractive that, apart from frequent excursions in works of a more general nature, twelve monographs have been devoted to it within the relatively short space of seventeen years.1","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128361063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Miraculous Cross in Titian's \"Vendramin Family\"","authors":"Philip Pouncey","doi":"10.2307/750096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750096","url":null,"abstract":"inventory of 1569, Georg Gronau has conclusively shown that it is the Vendramin and not the Cornaro family which is here portrayed.? The elderly Gabriele Vendramin is depicted with his brother Andrea and the latter's seven sons in adoration before a crucifix which stands on an altar between two lighted candles. From the identification of the family one can proceed to identify the crucifix on the altar and thence, I believe, to elucidate the significance of this scene of family devotion. A feature in Titian's picture which calls for explanation is the fact that a crucifix should have been selected in preference to the Deity, the Virgin or a patron saint as the visible object of the family's reverence. The","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121846645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"'Termaximus': A Humanist Jest","authors":"George Clutton","doi":"10.2307/750105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750105","url":null,"abstract":"Machiavelli, Guicciardini is distinctly doubtful that this would ever happen in reality. Yet his interest in Machiavelli's ideas is unmistakable. To what conclusions does this investigation lead? First, it throws light on the extent of Guicciardini's knowledge of Machiavelli by defining its limits. Whenever parts of the Reggimento or the Ricordi can be linked to specific passages in Machiavelli's works, the passages come from the Discorsi. The evident conclusion is that the only political work of Machiavelli with which Guicciardini was acquainted was the Discorsi; he did not know the Prince.' On the other hand it is clear that when writing the Reggimento and the Ricordi Guicciardini not only knew the Discorsi but had studied them very carefully. The interest he takes in the ideas of Machiavelli is much greater than has been assumed. It remains to consider whether Machiavelli's ideas, beyond deeply arousing Guicciardini's interest, exerted a definite influence upon the political system which is embodied in the Reggimento and the Ricordi, and, if so, what the nature of this influence is. As has already been pointed out, the general approach of Machiavelli and Guicciardini to political problems is similar. Their political writings have the same aim : to rationalize their practical political experience, to find the laws behind the involutions of history. In spite of this, there is an essential difference between the conceptions of the two men. Machiavelli arrived at his brilliant generalisations by explaining the present through the past, by analysing the complex situations of his time in terms of the greater and simpler proportions of Roman history. Guicciardini, on the contrary, was convinced of the fundamental difference between the past and the present, and drew for his political writings mainly on the material which his own time could offer him. His work is characterized by penetrating analyses of given situations which he does not allow himself to expand into general conclusions. There can be no doubt that this was the natural bent of his mind. But that his aversion to generalisations became a principle, may be ascribed to the considerations which the opposing principles, expressed in the Discorsi and focussed in Machiavelli's \"Romanism,\" forced upon him.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131024623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Transformations of Minerva in Renaissance Imagery","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750097","url":null,"abstract":"perfectly plain he puts at the end of the original MS2 his own coat-of-arms next to that of his wife, adding : Icy sont les armes, dessoubz ceste couronne, Du bergier dessus dit et de la bergeronne. He accompanies the picture with two personal emblems, apparently invented by him for the occasion.3 By the side of his wife's shield there appears a twig of gooseberry with two doves, a rather romantic symbol of happy love, by his own a dead stump out of which a new branch is growing as a sign of his regeneration through love. Both emblems reappear on medals which the king commissioned from Francesco Laurana who worked at his court in the sixties. The twig with the two doves, tied together by a chain, decorates the reverse of a medal struck in honour of the queen in 1461, and the old stump with the new branch occurs on another medal of 1463 (P1. 36b).4 This bears on the reverse the inscription \"Pax Augusti,\" and shows in the centre a goddess with an olive branch, holding out a helmet in her left hand, while a cuirass stands on the ground. On the obverse the portraits of the couple are represented, together with a legend which expresses a strictly religious attitude in a humanist idiom : \"The god-like heroes famous through the lily of France and the cross (of Laval) tread always together the path to the Divine.\"5 A mediaeval Christian idea couched in classical terms appears also in the words \"Pax Augusti\" on the reverse. Taken together with the supernatural aim of the legend on the other side (\"incedunt ad superos\"), it calls to mind the Augustinian conception of eternal peace which remained very much alive right through the Middle Ages.6 1 Cf. Le Comte de Quatrebarbas, (Euvres compldtes du Roi Rend, 1844, II, p. 97 ff.; A. Lecoy de la Marche, Le Roi Rene', 875, II, p. I69 ff. 2The original MS was brought to Leningrad in 1792. Quatrebarbas (p. 151) reproduces an illustration from a copy (Paris, Bibl. Nat., cod. Fr. I2178). Cf. also A. Heiss, Les Midailleurs de la Renaissance. Francesco Laurana. 1882, p. 24. 3 For the text of the poem cf. Quatrebarbas, op. cit., p. I24 ff. ' Cf. Hill, A Corpus of Italian Medals, 1930, nos. 57,59 with further references. About Ren6's emblems cf. particularly Magasin Pittoresque, 1853, p. 207 f. and Willemin, Monuments FranGais inidits. Paris, 1839, II, P1. 209. 5\"Divi heroes Francis liliis cruceque illustris incedunt iugiter parantes ad superos iter.\" Cf. Heiss, op. cit., p. 23 ff. The epithet of ancient emperors, \"divus,\" used for German emperors during the Middle Ages (Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, 1929, I, pp. 52, 264, etc.) became quite common in Laurana's circle, also with minor sovereigns. Cf. Heiss, op. cit., p. I83 and W. Rolfs, F. Laurana, I907, p. 246. 6 E. Bernheim, Mittelalterliche Zeitanschauungen, 1918, pp. 29, Ioo ff. The official cult","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"10 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1939-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129103788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}