Giordano Bruno's Conflict with Oxford

F. Yates
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

When Giordano Bruno came to Elizabethan Oxford and expounded his Copernican philosophy he met with a great deal of opposition, some idea of which can be gathered from his Cena de le ceneri (1584)1, in which he describes an encounter with two Aristotelian pedants, and from the beginning of his De la causa, principio e uno2, where he makes a half-hearted apology for the strictures on English academic learning in the earlier work. Writers on Bruno have generally assumed that his clash with Aristotelianism in England is symbolic of the conflict between the "old" and the "new," the "old," in their eyes, being the medieval world-system and the authoritarian rigidity of mediaeval Aristotelianism whilst the "new" is represented by what they believe to be Bruno's acceptance of the new science (i.e. the Copernican theory) on rational grounds and his determination to build upon it a thought-structure unhampered by the chains of scholastic orthodoxy. On this view Torquato and Nundinio, the Oxford Aristotelians of the Cena de le ceneri, would represent the dead hand of traditionalism lying heavy upon their ancient university, whilst Bruno's stormy encounter with them would typify the new boldness of Renaissance thought breaking through Ptolemaic barriers into the boundless possibilities of the infinite. A suspicion that this generalisation may be misleading can be gained by a study of the historical background of Bruno's visit to England. A moment's reflection will suggest that the Oxford truly representative of mediaeval philosophy must have been severely shaken under Henry VIII, ravaged under Edward VI, and confused by the counter revolution under Mary, so that in these Elizabethan years of Bruno's visit it can hardly have borne much resemblance to the Oxford of Roger Bacon or of Duns Scotus. Bruno's biographers have not ignored this fact. One of the earliest of them gave a fairly comprehensive account of the upheavals at Oxford since the Middle Ages and knew that the reputation of the university had suffered in the process.3 One of the most authoritative was aware that the doctors whom Bruno met at Oxford were of a new kind.4 But there has been no systematic attempt to relate the English background to the character of Bruno's satire as a whole, and it is vaguely assumed that Oxford was disgusted with him because of the "modernity" of his ideas. A more exact study of this question has recently been made by Signor L. Limentani5 who, in the course of an examination of the mention of Bruno by Gabriel Harvey, points out that Harvey was a Ramist and discusses what effect his might be likely to have had upon his reactions to Bruno. This recognition of the fact that Ramist anti-Aristotelianism existed in the England which Bruno visited should serve as a reminder that Tudor philosophy was not mediaeval
布鲁诺与牛津的冲突
当布鲁诺来到伊丽莎白时代的牛津,阐述他的哥白尼哲学时,他遇到了大量的反对意见,其中一些意见可以从他的Cena de le ceneri(1584)1中收集到,他在其中描述了与两个亚里士多德学院派学者的相遇,从他的“论原因,原理”开始,他对早期工作中对英国学术学习的限制进行了半心半意的道歉。研究布鲁诺的作家通常认为,他与英国亚里士多德主义的冲突象征着“旧”与“新”、“旧”之间的冲突,在他们看来,是中世纪的世界体系和中世纪亚里士多德主义的专制僵化,而“新”则是布鲁诺在理性的基础上接受新科学(即哥白尼理论),并决心在此基础上建立一种不受经院正统枷锁阻碍的思想结构。在这种观点下,托尔卡托和努迪尼奥,牛津大学的亚里士多德学派,代表了传统主义沉重地压在他们古老的大学上的死手,而布鲁诺与他们的暴风雨相遇则代表了文艺复兴思想的新大胆,突破了托勒密的障碍,进入了无限的无限可能性。通过研究布鲁诺访问英国的历史背景,可以怀疑这种概括可能具有误导性。稍加思考就会发现,真正代表中世纪哲学的牛津大学一定在亨利八世的统治下受到了严重的动摇,在爱德华六世的统治下遭到了蹂躏,在玛丽的统治下又被反革命所迷惑,因此,在布鲁诺来访的伊丽莎白时代,它与罗杰·培根或邓斯·司各脱的牛津几乎没有什么相似之处。布鲁诺的传记作者并没有忽视这一事实。其中最早的一位学者对牛津大学自中世纪以来的动荡作了相当全面的描述,并知道这所大学的声誉在这个过程中受到了损害其中最有权威的一位医生意识到,布鲁诺在牛津遇到的医生是一种新型的医生但是,没有人系统地将英国背景与布鲁诺的讽刺作品联系起来,人们模糊地认为,牛津对他感到厌恶,是因为他的思想具有“现代性”。L. Limentani5先生最近对这个问题做了一个更精确的研究,他在研究加布里埃尔·哈维对布鲁诺的提及时指出,哈维是一个拉米斯主义者,并讨论了他对布鲁诺的反应可能产生的影响。在布鲁诺访问的英国,人们认识到拉米斯反亚里士多德主义的存在,这应该提醒我们都铎哲学不是中世纪的
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