马基雅维利和奎恰迪尼

F. Gilbert
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While fully agreeing with what Luciani says about the superficiality of Benoist's approach, it seems to me that he goes too far when he adds that this failure is the inevitable outcome of any attempt to establish a connection between the works of Machiavelli and Guicciardini : \"Non crediamo ad ogni modo che questi due spiriti, affini si, ma pur diversi tra loro per molti lati, abbiano subito l'influenza l'uno dell' altro, tanto piit che la mente del Guicciardini si era formato certamente prima che egli potesse avere conoscenza del Principe.\" The issue raised by Luciani is dependent, of course, on the meaning that is given to the word 'influence.' If only those factors that act upon man's mind while it is still being formed are considered as 'influence,' then Luciani is right, and there is no possibility that Machiavelli influenced Guicciardini. In his very first work, the Storie Fiorentine,3 which was completed before Machiavelli had begun to write the Prince, Guicciardini already reveals the distinctive traits which persist through the whole of his life. As early as this, he stands out as the Florentine patrician exhibiting the benefits and limitations of an outlook determined by class, he displays the keen, legally trained mind to which the rich intellectual heritage of the 15th century was only a useful instrument for practical ends, he shows himself possessed of an exclusive, passionate devotion to the world of history and politics. His mind, in its essential features, is definitely formed. Yet this is but the frame, and within it his political thought shows change and development. The various political projects which he drew up between 1512 and 15314 not only differ from one another because of adjustments forced upon him by changes in the political scene, but disclose a gradual transformation of his ideas on such problems as freedom, the powers of government or the ends of foreign policy. The clearest evidence, however, of his intellectual development lies in the difference of historical method and principles between the Storie Fiorentine of his youth and the Storia d'Italia, the work of the mature man. This development5 indicates that his thought must have been affected by outside factors, and that, in the broader sense of the word, it is possible to speak of influences upon him. In seeking the causes of this development, there is no reason to consider Machiavelli as the decisive factor. The driving force behind Guicciardini's incessant literary efforts and the development of his political thought is the bent of the Renaissance mind for speculation and, more especially, Guicciardini's own tendency to combine ragione and esperienza, that is to fit his practical experience into a rational system. Even so, we need not discard the possibility of Machiavelli's influence. The approach of the two men to political problems was very similar and Machiavelli's work must at least have aroused in Guicciardini the curiosity of the specialist. 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In his very first work, the Storie Fiorentine,3 which was completed before Machiavelli had begun to write the Prince, Guicciardini already reveals the distinctive traits which persist through the whole of his life. As early as this, he stands out as the Florentine patrician exhibiting the benefits and limitations of an outlook determined by class, he displays the keen, legally trained mind to which the rich intellectual heritage of the 15th century was only a useful instrument for practical ends, he shows himself possessed of an exclusive, passionate devotion to the world of history and politics. His mind, in its essential features, is definitely formed. Yet this is but the frame, and within it his political thought shows change and development. 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引用次数: 55

摘要

在1936年出版的《马基雅维利主义》第三卷中,查尔斯·贝诺斯特(Charles Benoist)论述了“马基雅维利之后的马基雅维利主义”(Le Machiav6lisme apres Machiavel),他用了六章的篇幅讨论了马基雅维利和吉恰尔迪尼之间的关系,并试图证明吉恰尔迪尼的思想深受马基雅维利的影响。这个结论被V. Luciani反驳,他去年在《意大利历史档案》(Archivio Storico Italiano)上发表了一篇对与Guicciardini有关的出版物的批判性调查。2 Luciani批评Benoist的理由是,他从Guicciardini的作品中提取了孤立的句子,并将它们与马基雅维利中同样孤立的段落进行了比较,这种方法无法产生可靠的结果。虽然完全同意Luciani所说的Benoist方法的肤浅,但在我看来,当他补充说这种失败是任何试图在马基雅维利和Guicciardini的作品之间建立联系的必然结果时,他似乎走得太远了:“不可信和不可信的模式是关于精神的问题的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的,是关于道德的。”当然,卢西安尼提出的问题取决于“影响”这个词的含义。如果只有那些在人的思想还在形成的时候就作用于人的思想的因素被认为是“影响”,那么卢西亚尼是对的,马基雅维利不可能影响到圭恰尔迪尼。在他的第一部作品《佛罗伦萨的故事》中,在马基雅维利开始写《君主论》之前,吉恰尔迪尼就已经揭示了贯穿他一生的独特特征。早在这个时候,他就以佛罗伦萨贵族的身份脱颖而出,展示了由阶级决定的观点的好处和局限性,他表现出敏锐的,受过法律训练的头脑,而15世纪丰富的知识遗产只是实现实际目的的有用工具,他显示出自己对历史和政治世界拥有独特的,热情的奉献。他的思想,就其基本特征而言,是完全成形的。然而,这只是一个框架,在这个框架内,他的政治思想表现出变化和发展。他在1512年到15314年间制定的各种政治计划不仅彼此不同,因为政治环境的变化迫使他做出了调整,而且揭示了他在自由,政府权力或外交政策等问题上的想法的逐渐转变。然而,他的智力发展最明显的证据是,他年轻时的《佛罗伦萨故事集》和成年后的《意大利故事集》在历史方法和原则上的不同。这一发展表明,他的思想一定受到了外界因素的影响,而且,从更广泛的意义上说,可以说他受到了影响。在寻求这种发展的原因时,没有理由认为马基雅维利是决定性的因素。Guicciardini不断的文学努力和他政治思想的发展背后的驱动力是文艺复兴时期思辨思维的倾向,更具体地说,Guicciardini自己将理性和经验结合起来的倾向,也就是将他的实践经验融入理性体系。即便如此,我们也不需要排除马基雅维利影响的可能性。两人处理政治问题的方法非常相似,马基雅维利的著作至少引起了圭恰尔迪尼作为专家的好奇心。因为Benoist试图证明Guicciardini对马基雅维利的依赖,和Luciani反对这种可能性的论证都没有
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Machiavelli and Guicciardini
In the third volume of his work on "Le Machiav6lisme", published in 1936, Charles Benoist deals with "le machiav6lisme apres Machiavel,"' devoting six chapters of his book to a discussion of the relation between Machiavelli and Guicciardini and endeavouring to prove that Guicciardini was greatly influenced in his thought by Machiavelli. This conclusion is refuted by V. Luciani who published last year in the Archivio Storico Italiano a critical survey of publications concerned with Guicciardini.2 Luciani criticizes Benoist on the ground that he has taken isolated sentences from Guicciardini's works and compared them with equally isolated passages from Machiavelli and that such a method cannot produce a sound result. While fully agreeing with what Luciani says about the superficiality of Benoist's approach, it seems to me that he goes too far when he adds that this failure is the inevitable outcome of any attempt to establish a connection between the works of Machiavelli and Guicciardini : "Non crediamo ad ogni modo che questi due spiriti, affini si, ma pur diversi tra loro per molti lati, abbiano subito l'influenza l'uno dell' altro, tanto piit che la mente del Guicciardini si era formato certamente prima che egli potesse avere conoscenza del Principe." The issue raised by Luciani is dependent, of course, on the meaning that is given to the word 'influence.' If only those factors that act upon man's mind while it is still being formed are considered as 'influence,' then Luciani is right, and there is no possibility that Machiavelli influenced Guicciardini. In his very first work, the Storie Fiorentine,3 which was completed before Machiavelli had begun to write the Prince, Guicciardini already reveals the distinctive traits which persist through the whole of his life. As early as this, he stands out as the Florentine patrician exhibiting the benefits and limitations of an outlook determined by class, he displays the keen, legally trained mind to which the rich intellectual heritage of the 15th century was only a useful instrument for practical ends, he shows himself possessed of an exclusive, passionate devotion to the world of history and politics. His mind, in its essential features, is definitely formed. Yet this is but the frame, and within it his political thought shows change and development. The various political projects which he drew up between 1512 and 15314 not only differ from one another because of adjustments forced upon him by changes in the political scene, but disclose a gradual transformation of his ideas on such problems as freedom, the powers of government or the ends of foreign policy. The clearest evidence, however, of his intellectual development lies in the difference of historical method and principles between the Storie Fiorentine of his youth and the Storia d'Italia, the work of the mature man. This development5 indicates that his thought must have been affected by outside factors, and that, in the broader sense of the word, it is possible to speak of influences upon him. In seeking the causes of this development, there is no reason to consider Machiavelli as the decisive factor. The driving force behind Guicciardini's incessant literary efforts and the development of his political thought is the bent of the Renaissance mind for speculation and, more especially, Guicciardini's own tendency to combine ragione and esperienza, that is to fit his practical experience into a rational system. Even so, we need not discard the possibility of Machiavelli's influence. The approach of the two men to political problems was very similar and Machiavelli's work must at least have aroused in Guicciardini the curiosity of the specialist. Since neither Benoist's attempt to prove Guicciardini's dependence on Machiavelli nor Luciani's argument against this possibility
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