Bulletin of Chinese linguistics最新文献_第8页

The Uses of Bian 2 in Southern Min (閩南語「免」bian 2 的用法初探) The Uses of Bian 2 in Southern Min (闽南语「免」bian 2 的用法初探)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901006

Chin-fa Lien

{"title":"The Uses of Bian 2 in Southern Min (閩南語「免」bian 2 的用法初探)","authors":"Chin-fa Lien","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901006","url":null,"abstract":"The paper explores the uses of bian2 免 in Southern Min from a synchronic and diachronic perspective. It not only occurs in negative imperatives, but also in the non-finite clause in indicative sentences in Ming and Qing playscripts. Negative imperatives are used to show that the speaker requests the addressee to make preparatory actions to avoid unpleasant behavior. The construction featuring put4 bian2 不免 indicates that the speaker performs an act that does not result from an optimal choice. M7 bian2 毋免 in modern Southern Min differs drastically from put4 bian2 不免 in the Ming and Qing in that m7 毋 is a form devoid of any meaning in the former, whereas the latter involves double negation. Furthermore, bian2 in modern Southern Min either combines with other negatives like bi7 未 to yield a frozen expression reflecting the subjective attitude of the speaker, or with kong2 講 to form another freeze taking on the function of a parenthetical.本文從共時和歷時的觀點探討閩南語中「免」的用法。明清時期「免」除否定祈使式外，也用於帶非限定目的補語直陳句式中，表示說話者由於先有請求對方的準備動作，自己可以免於從事不悅的行為。「不免」句式表示說話者從事不是最佳選項的行為，現代閩南語的「毋免」和明清時期的「不免」大相逕庭，前者「免」為有形無義的語詞，後者為雙重否定。此外，現代閩南語「免」和其他否定語詞（如「未」）形成凝固語式，反映說話者的主觀看法，或和動詞「講」形成凝固語式，帶有插入語的功能。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126307632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

A Revised Semantic Map of Oblique Roles and Its Implications for Comparative and Diachronic Studies of Chinese Syntax (間接題元語義地圖之修訂及其在漢語比較語法與歷史語法研究中的作用) A Revised Semantic Map of Oblique Roles and Its Implications for Comparative and Diachronic Studies of Chinese Syntax (间接题元语义地图之修订及其在汉语比较语法与历史语法研究中的作用)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901003

Min Zhang

{"title":"A Revised Semantic Map of Oblique Roles and Its Implications for Comparative and Diachronic Studies of Chinese Syntax (間接題元語義地圖之修訂及其在漢語比較語法與歷史語法研究中的作用)","authors":"Min Zhang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a revised version of the semantic map for oblique roles originally proposed by Haspelmath (2003) for instrumental and related functions and expanded by M. Zhang (M. Zhang 2008a, 2010) to accommodate more roles, particularly the Chinese-specific oblique role generally known among Chinese linguists as chuzhishi shoushi 處置式受事 “pretransitive/disposal patient.” My purpose is twofold: (1) to demonstrate the usefulness of a “bottom-up” approach to the semantic map model as an innovative tool for the study of comparative Chinese dialectal and diachronic grammar; and (2) to discuss particular issues pertaining to the construction and revision of the oblique-role map, and to illustrate how such a map can contribute to our understanding of the typology and diachrony of oblique markers across regional varieties of Chinese.為確定漢語特有的「處置式受事」角色的類型學地位，筆者（張敏2008–2010）曾將 Haspelmath（2003）提出的工具語及相關功能語義地圖擴充為一個初步的間接題元語義地圖。本文對該圖作出進一步修訂,旨在（1）為漢語方言比較語法和歷史語法學界推介一種簡便易行的「自下而上」的語義地圖建構方法，（2）探討間接題元語義地圖建構及修訂中遇到的一些疑難問題，並說明該圖在漢語方言間接題元標記的共時及歷時研究中的作用。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116175460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

On the Lexifier and Vocabulary Restructuring of Hanlao Language in Qinzhou of Guangxi (廣西欽州漢佬話的語言成分來源及詞彙整合) On the Lexifier and Vocabulary Restructuring of Hanlao Language in Qinzhou of Guangxi (广西钦州汉佬话的语言成分来源及词汇整合)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901010

Yuyang Luo

引用次数: 0

Grammatical Properties of [lei 21 ] in Cantonese: Revisited (再論粵語“嚟”的語法特點) Grammatical Properties of [lei 21 ] in Cantonese: Revisited (再论粤语“嚟”的语法特点)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901008

Sze-wing Tang

引用次数: 0

Hainan Min Resultative Structures 海南闽动动结构

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901007

Hui-chi Lee

{"title":"Hainan Min Resultative Structures","authors":"Hui-chi Lee","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901007","url":null,"abstract":"This paper introduces the resultative constructions in Hainan Min which have not been seriously examined in previous studies. The serial verb construction (SVC) is the main mechanism by which resultatives are expressed in Hainan Min. This special syntactic structure is examined in Hainan Min and compared to two other Chinese dialects: Taiwan Southern Min and Cantonese. I speculate that the unusual serial verb construction resultatives are associated with the preservation of a historical form and language contact. Diachronic Chinese data are given to evince that SVCs existed early in archaic Chinese. In addition, it is argued that language contact with the native language (Hlai) also contributes to the preservation of this historic remnant.本文介紹海南閩語的結果結構。這個語法結構在過去的文獻中並未清楚的描述及討論過。本研究使用的材料大多是作者田野調查後的語料。田調的結果發現，海南閩語的結果結構主要是以連動結構來表現。以連動結構來表達結果，在現代漢語中，是一種很特殊的方式。本文因此比較了相關的漢語方言：台灣閩南語及粵語。同時，還考察了古漢語的歷時語料，發現連動結果句型應是一種存古現象。除了歷史因素外，本文還主張語言接觸也影響了連動結果句型的存古。因此，本文還探討了海南島上的黎語之結果結構。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130244538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The System of Consonant Clusters and Rhymes as Reflected by the Different Turns in Tangut Rhyme Dictionaries (西夏韻書分轉所反映的複聲母與韻母系統) The System of Consonant Clusters and Rhymes as Reflected by the Different Turns in Tangut Rhyme Dictionaries (西夏韵书分转所反映的复声母与韵母系统)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-12-09 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901011

Shangfang Zhengzhang

{"title":"The System of Consonant Clusters and Rhymes as Reflected by the Different Turns in Tangut Rhyme Dictionaries (西夏韻書分轉所反映的複聲母與韻母系統)","authors":"Shangfang Zhengzhang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901011","url":null,"abstract":"The reconstruction of Tangut pronunciation has been advanced by several scholars. Gong Hwang-cherng’s reconstruction is even more outstanding. His remarkable insight is that the third and the fourth class (děng) belonging to different rhymes have the same reconstruction. However, his Tangut reconstruction, with few consonant clusters, resembles Loloish rather than Qiangic. The present study puts forward that the Tangut rhyme dictionaries with 105 rhymes were made by simulating Chinese rhyme dictionaries. The six monophthongs “i, ɯ, u, e, a, o” and the two diphthongs “eu, ou” form eight broad rhyme groups (she). The first class has no (or -0) medial; the second class the -r medial; the third and the fourth classes the -j medial. A class is divided into four turns (zhuǎn): the first turn (R1-60) has the zero, nasal or w- pre-initial; the second turn (R61-75) has the l-, s- or x- pre-initial; the third turn (R76-98) has the r- pre-initial (similar to M. V. Sofronov’s proposal); the fourth turn (R99-105) is for further supplements. The author reconstructs phonetic values for the rhymes of each turn. Hereby, the system of the consonant clusters in Tangut can be regularly reconstructed according to the phonological records in the rhyme dictionaries. This solution is further supported by observations on some languages related to Qiangic. When we compare several cognates and morphological changes in the Horpa language, we can see some items similar to the present reconstruction.西夏文擬音經海內外諸家研究已經取得很大成就，龔煌城先生的系統更為出色，三四等不同韻而擬音相同尤為高見。惜複輔音擬得太少，以致面貌不像羌語支語言而像彝語。本文提出西夏韻書分105韻乃依傍漢語等韻，本六元音i、ɯ、u、e、a、o加eu、ou合為八攝，依聲母墊尾性質分一等 -∅、二等 -r、三四等 -j，各攝元音重複迴環再分為四轉。分轉所據不是韻母元音本身區別，乃兼顧前接聲母的冠音區別：1轉（R1-60）為∅- 冠、鼻冠、w- 冠，2轉（R61-75）為l-、s-、x- 冠，3轉（R76-98）為r- 冠（蘇敏也曾提r-），4轉（R99-105擴至七韻）補遺特讀。並為每轉各韻具體擬音。據此西夏語複輔音系統可按韻書音韻地位有規律恢復。此乃觀察羌語支近緣語言所得結果，試比較西夏近緣的道孚等語言同源詞與語法變化，可看到與以上擬音相近似的變化。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"15 12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129513777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

How Many *-s Suffixes in Old Chinese? (古漢語有多少個 -s 後綴?) How Many *-s Suffixes in Old Chinese? (古汉语有多少个 -s 后缀?)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-06-22 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902014

Guillaume Jacques

引用次数: 4

On Mì ‘Honey’ (說 “蜜”) 坐了一面条‘小可爱’(說“蜜”)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-06-22 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902005

Quansheng Xu

{"title":"On Mì ‘Honey’ (說 “蜜”)","authors":"Quansheng Xu","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902005","url":null,"abstract":"It has been known for nearly 100 years (since Polivanov 1916) that the Chinese word for ‘honey’ is most likely to be of Indo-European origin (probably via Tocharian B):Chin. mi 【蜜】 ‘honey’ MC mjit OC * mit (Baxter and Sagart 2014)Toch. B mit ‘honey’ m’ət - PIE * medhu -.The Chinese word can also be compared with Skt. madhu , Gr. μeθυ (methu)/μeθη (methē) , OCS . medŭ , Lith. midus/medus , OE . meodu , OHG . metu , Ger. met , and Eng. mead . The present article will focus on mi ‘honey’ and fēng 蠭 ‘bee’ in ancient Chinese books and unearthed texts. It is deduced that honey was probably introduced into China before the 1 st millennium B.C .“蜜”[mi ‘honey’ MC mjit OC * mit ] （Baxter and Sagart 2014）是極少數有確切證據源于印歐語的漢語外來詞，它可能即源自吐火羅語B（即龜茲語）的 mit 。一個世紀以前，俄國語言學家Polivanov（1916）已撰文證明“蜜”可追溯到原始印歐語*medhu。這個詞還可與梵語madhu（蜜，蜂蜜酒）、希臘語μeθυ（methu，葡萄酒）/μeθη（methē，烈性酒）、古教堂斯拉夫語medŭ（蜜）、立陶宛語midus/medus（蜜）、古英語meodu（蜂蜜酒）、古高地德語metu（蜂蜜酒）、德語met（蜂蜜酒）、英語mead（蜂蜜酒）比較。 1 本文重新檢討古典文獻及出土文獻中所見的“蜜”字和“蠭”字，推測蜂蜜很可能在西元前一千年之前已傳入中國。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117291598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Identifying Early Sino-Vietnamese Vocabulary via Linguistic, Historical, Archaeological, and Ethnological Data (早期漢越語詞彙的確認—— 來自語言學、歷史學、考古學、民族學的資料證據) Identifying Early Sino-Vietnamese Vocabulary via Linguistic, Historical, Archaeological, and Ethnological Data (早期汉越语词汇的确认—— 来自语言学、历史学、考古学、民族学的资料证据)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-06-22 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902007

Mark J. Alves

{"title":"Identifying Early Sino-Vietnamese Vocabulary via Linguistic, Historical, Archaeological, and Ethnological Data (早期漢越語詞彙的確認—— 來自語言學、歷史學、考古學、民族學的資料證據)","authors":"Mark J. Alves","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902007","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, over 60 Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese are claimed to have been borrowed during the East Han or West Jin Dynasties. These Early Sino-Vietnamese ( ESV ) words are identified via a combination of linguistic, historical, archaeological, and ethnological data sources and frameworks. Such an interdisciplinary method helps to confirm or refute these words’ status as loanwords and as belonging to this specific historical period. The combined linguistic and extralinguistic data also leads to hypotheses about possible phonological changes in Chinese from the Old Chinese ( OC ) to Middle Chinese ( MC ) periods. In particular, while Sino-Vietnamese words from the MC period have expected qusheng tones for Chinese qusheng loanwords, OC -era ESV words have either shangsheng or, unexpectedly, pingsheng tones. It is hypothesized that ESV words with shangsheng tones for OC qusheng words were borrowed earliest, while ESV items with pingsheng represent a later stage in OC in which final *-s was in the process of being lost in the first few centuries CE .本文重點討論東漢或西晉時代借自漢語的60多個早期漢越語詞，通過語言學、歷史學、考古學、民族學等多個學科，綜合使用各種資料加以論證。這種跨學科的方法可用來解答它們是否屬於外來詞、這些詞是否屬於此一歷史時期的問題。此外，語言學材料和非語言學材料的結合還使我們能夠就上古到中古可能存在的語音變化提出假設；具體說來，源自中古的漢越語借詞本該以去聲對應漢語去聲，然而在源自上古時代的早期漢越語中卻可以是上聲甚至是出人意料的平聲。我們因此可以假設：對應古音去聲的早期漢越語上聲出現得比較早，而對應上古音去聲的早期漢越語平聲，應該出自*-s逐漸消亡的晚期上古音階段，即剬元紀年的頭幾個世紀。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130278904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 11

A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古漢語咽化聲母來源的一個假設) A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古汉语咽化声母来源的一个假设)

Bulletin of Chinese linguistics Pub Date : 2016-06-22 DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902002

L. Sagart, W. H. Baxter

{"title":"A Hypothesis on the Origin of Old Chinese Pharyngealization (上古漢語咽化聲母來源的一個假設)","authors":"L. Sagart, W. H. Baxter","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902002","url":null,"abstract":"It is proposed that OC pharyngealized onset consonants—that is, ‘type-A’ onset consonants—arose out of Proto-Sino-Tibetan plain consonants followed by geminate vowels separated by a pharyngeal fricative. When the first copy of the geminate vowel fell, the initial consonants formed clusters with the pharyngeal fricative, evolving into the OC pharyngealized consonants we reconstruct. In the Kuki-Chin branch of Tibeto-Burman, the pharyngeal fricative fell, and long vowels resulted. This proposal supposes a statistical correlation between Kuki-Chin long vowels and OC type-A words on the one hand, and between Kuki-Chin short vowels and OC type-B words on the other, as originally proposed by S. Starostin. A significant statistic bearing on forty-three probable Chinese-Kuki-Chin cognates supports this correlation. Thus reconstructed, a precursor language of Proto-Sino-Tibetan was aligned with Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Austroasiatic in exhibiting a surface constraint against monomoraic free words: by that constraint, the vowel of an underlying monosyllable was realized as a geminate with an intervening parasitic consonant such as a glottal stop or a pharyngeal fricative, while the vowels of a disyllable remained nongeminate. After reduction of disyllables to monosyllables, this process resulted in a pharyngealized vs. nonpharyngealized consonant distinction in OC .論文提出對上古漢語咽化聲母（即“A類聲母”）來源的一個假設，認為咽化聲母來源於原始漢藏語的無標記輔音，並且此無標記輔音後跟隨著由咽部擦音[ʕ]分割的雙胞元音（geminate vowels）。在雙胞元音的前半部分脫落後，輔音聲母跟咽部擦音形成了複輔音。新形成的複輔音最終演變為上古漢語的咽化聲母。而在藏緬語庫基-欽（Kuki-Chin）語支中，則是咽化擦音脫落，使雙胞元音變為長元音。本文解釋了漢語與庫基-欽語中一個統計學的顯著相關性：一方面，庫基-欽語含長元音的詞與上古漢語含A類聲母的詞呈顯著相關；另一方面，庫基-欽語含短元音的詞與上古漢語含B類聲母的詞呈顯著相關，正如斯塔羅金（S. Starostin）所說。據此構擬，我們提出原始漢藏語、原始南島語與原始南亞語中的一個共同限制（constraint）：禁止在語流中出現單音拍（monomoraic）詞。在這一限制的作用下，單音節詞的單元音發生了雙胞化（germination），雙胞元音中間插入了喉塞音或咽部擦音之類的次聲輔音。而同時，雙音節詞的元音無變化。漢語經過雙音節詞的單音節化，就形成了無標記輔音與咽化輔音的音位對立。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132269477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1