Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory最新文献_第3页

The animating impulses of critical theory 批判理论的动力

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12725

Peter E. Gordon

引用次数: 0

Interdisciplinary materialism and the task of critical institutionalism 跨学科唯物主义与批判制度主义的任务

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12721

Hubertus Buchstein

{"title":"Interdisciplinary materialism and the task of critical institutionalism","authors":"Hubertus Buchstein","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12721","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12721","url":null,"abstract":"My first encounter with Horkheimer's seminal 1931 speech “The Present Situation of Social Philosophy and the Tasks of an Institute for Social Research” dates back to 1981 when I was struggling as a young student to read the final chapters of Jürgen Habermas's just published Theory of Communicative Action. Habermas made a strong case for Horkheimer's program of interdisciplinary materialism in his book. He reconstructed Horkheimer's original program and presented an ambitious update (see Habermas, 1987, pp. 374–403). This encouraged me to read Horkheimer's famous speech of January 1931 and became the inspirational starting point for my ongoing interest in the history of the Frankfurt School.The primary reason for the appeal of the classical Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School until today is that while it remains within a Marxist framework, it contrasted the economism of Marxist orthodoxy. It restored an autonomous logic to the domains that orthodox Marxism qualified as “superstructure.” This perspective yields inspiring findings in cultural theory and social psychology to this day. Yet in the early period of the Frankfurt School, the inner circle around Horkheimer did not achieve comparable results; at no point did this circle elaborate a theory of the political or of political institutions. This shortcoming dates back to the very beginnings of the Frankfurt School, to Horkheimer's programmatic inaugural speech as the new director of Institut für Sozialforschung (IfS) of 1931 in particular.When Horkheimer enumerated the subdisciplines of interdisciplinary materialism in his speech, the absence of political science was striking. He defined social philosophy as the philosophical interpretation of human beings as members of a community; social philosophy must therefore primarily concern itself with the social existence of human beings. Horkheimer named “the state” and the “law” (Horkheimer, 1931, p. 25) first in the list of social phenomena, even above economy and religion. He dug deeper in his discussion of social philosophy with an examination of Hegel's theory of objective spirit by criticizing Hegel's idea that the state could serve as a solution to integrate the conflicts of capitalist society (see Horkheimer, 1931, pp. 26–28). He included “the state” and “political association” (Horkheimer, 1931, p. 31) as part of the investigation of the ways in which people live together.In his following deliberations about the “ongoing dialectical permeation and evolution of philosophical theory and empirical-scientific praxis” (Horkheimer, 1931, p. 29), however, Horkheimer quickly lost sight of political associations and the state. In his list of the scientific disciplines that are supposed to participate in socio-philosophical research, Staatswissenschaft and Wissenschaft von der Politik—as the discipline newly ","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"30 4","pages":"414-418"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12721","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139180263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Horkheimer's unrealized vision 霍克海默未实现的愿景

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12732

William E. Scheuerman

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Totality, morality, and social philosophy 整体、道德和社会哲学

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12729

Frank I. Michelman

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The return of the critique of ideologies 意识形态批判的回归

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12728

Cristina Lafont

{"title":"The return of the critique of ideologies","authors":"Cristina Lafont","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12728","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12728","url":null,"abstract":"Trying to offer some brief reflections on the legacy of critical theory over the past 100 years is a daunting task. In lieu of doing this, I shall focus on just one issue: the recent revival in critiques of ideology. In my view, this type of critique is an important task of critical theory and remains one of its most significant legacies. Yet, if one focuses on the work of critical theorists over the past decades, this statement is far from obvious. In fact, the second generation of the Frankfurt school, most notably Habermas in his Theory of Communicative Action, explicitly rejects ideology critique as obsolete in the context of contemporary societies.1 Even though in the 1960s and 1970s, he had embraced the classical Marxist approach to ideology critique, he ultimately rejected it. It was the explicit attempt to rebut objections that had plagued this approach that brought about the so-called “democratic turn” of critical theory characteristic of Habermas's work from the 1980s onward and in which the critique of ideologies no longer plays a role.In contrast to Habermas, I am sympathetic to the return of a critique of ideology. Even if it is not the only form of critique, let alone the central task of a critical theory of contemporary societies, I think that it is an important tool for critical theorists. I shall briefly indicate why I think that newer approaches to the critique of ideology that are being currently developed (articulated by not only Frankfurt school critical theorists but also critical race theorists, feminists, and mainstream Anglo-American philosophers) are in a better position to overcome objections that understandably plagued classical Marxist conceptions of ideology critique.2 Moreover, in my view, they are perfectly compatible with the “democratic turn” of critical theory—so long as this turn is not given an exclusively proceduralist interpretation as Habermas does. I cannot give a full defense of this view here. Instead, I want (1) to briefly indicate important ways in which the new approaches to ideology critique differ from the classical Marxist approach and how they can avoid some key objections. Then, (2) I turn to Habermas's distinctive objections to ideology critique and show that, while they may call the feasibility of the classical Marxist approach into question, they leave room for a properly transformed approach to the critique of ideology in contemporary societies.According to the classical Marxist approach, the critique of ideology is a central task in the “scientific” enterprise of articulating a critical theory of society. The aim of ideology critique is to respond to a specific theoretical question, namely, why members of a society would work to perpetuate their own subjection, exploitation, or oppression. Ideologies offer an answer to this question. They provide a distorted view of social practices and institutions to those who are “in the grip” of","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"30 4","pages":"390-394"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12728","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139179970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Institute for Social Research on its 100th birthday. A former director's perspective 社会研究所百岁诞辰。前所长的观点

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12726

Axel Honneth

引用次数: 0

Not just war by other means: Cross-border engagement as political struggle 不仅仅是其他方式的战争：跨境接触是政治斗争

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12719

Lucia M. Rafanelli

{"title":"Not just war by other means: Cross-border engagement as political struggle","authors":"Lucia M. Rafanelli","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12719","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12719","url":null,"abstract":"I call cases like this—cross-border political engagements including both kinetic and non-kinetic elements—hybrid cases.1 It is not obvious how to understand the non-kinetic elements of hybrid cases. Should we understand them as warfare—conflicts between “enemies” locked in a “radically adversarial relationship” whose main task is to harm each other and whose main normative quandary is how much and what kind of harm they are permitted to inflict (see Walzer, 2017, p. xiii)? Or should we understand them as some (other) kind of political struggle?The question of which analytic frame to adopt is important, as, I will argue, there are serious democratic costs associated with understanding the non-kinetic elements of hybrid cases as warfare. In Counterinsurgency, understanding civilian casualty reports made by journalists, activists, and insurgents as acts of war would mean seeing them as acts meant to cause harm (by debilitating “enemy” forces) and as strategic communications whose purpose and value were, at best, unconnected to their truth. It would mean seeing their authors as potentially liable to attack—as Gross does when he describes journalists as “the foot soldiers of media warfare” (2015, p. 300) and argues they are therefore liable to harms including “capture, incarceration, expulsion, or the destruction or confiscation of their equipment” (2015, p. 269). And it would mean seeing their audiences as pawns to be manipulated by propagandists.Understanding civilian casualty reports instead as part of a political struggle would mean seeing them as statements that could inform, inspire critical reflection, and form the basis of democratic deliberation and contestation—which might not be contained within the borders of a single state. It would mean seeing their authors as sources of potentially weighty claims deserving real consideration and seeing their audiences as interlocutors capable of judging and responding in good faith to those claims.Existing scholarship does not often explicitly recognize the question of whether to understand the non-kinetic elements of hybrid cases as warfare or political struggle—let alone explicitly evaluate the costs and benefits of making one choice or another.2 Nonetheless, some (e.g., Blank, 2017; Gross, 2015; Gross & Meisels, 2017a; Kittrie, 2016; Walzer, 2017) tend to treat them more like warfare, and others (e.g., Jurkevics, 2019; Miller, 2010, pp. 247–57; Miller, 2018; Valdez, 2019a, 2019b) tend to treat them more like political struggle. Here, I make explicit the implicit assumptions behind these two approaches, argue that adopting the war paradigm (understanding the non-kinetic elements of hybrid cases as “warfare”) has significant democratic costs, and argue that adopting an alternate poli","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"661-677"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12719","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135167044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

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The public university as a real utopia 公立大学是一个真正的乌托邦

IF 1.2

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12716

Martin Aidnik, Harshwardhani Sharma

引用次数: 0

Critique and praxis: A critical philosophy of illusions, values, and action By Bernard E. Harcourt, New York: Columbia University Press, 2022. p. 696, $30 批判与实践：关于幻想、价值和行动的批判哲学》，伯纳德-E-哈考特著，纽约：哥伦比亚大学出版社，2022 年，第 696 页，30 美元：哥伦比亚大学出版社，2022 年。第 696 页，30 美元

IF 0.7

Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2023-10-21 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12717

Maeve Cooke

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On old revolutions and new constitutions: Constituent power in the Chilean constituent process 论旧革命与新宪法：智利制宪过程中的制宪权