Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory最新文献

{"title":"Rethinking hybrid regimes: The American case","authors":"Jean L. Cohen","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12700","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12700","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47190670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Recognition of struggle: Transcending the oppressive dynamics of desire","authors":"Magnus Hörnqvist","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12711","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12711","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Recognition seems to present us with an unresolvable predicament, whether we are aware of it or not. The predicament can be formulated in the following way. We inescapably strive to be recognized by others, since recognition is a precondition for our existence as social beings in any society, while the very recognition we strive for constrains us and cements an unequal social order. The first part of the predicament, the relentless striving to reach recognition, is the basic insight conveyed by the Hegelian master-and-slave dialectic (Hegel, <span>2018</span>). It has been reiterated many times and was axiomatic in the renaissance of the concept of recognition in the early 1990s, associated with authentic self-realization (Taylor, <span>1992</span>) or the moral call of struggles (Honneth, <span>1992</span>). The oppressive consequences, on the other hand, have been emphasized by theoreticians who were attentive to existing power asymmetries as well as familiar with Hegel's argument. Recognition was inevitably oppressive, conceived of as ideological interpellation (Althusser, <span>2001</span>), objectification of the self (Sartre, <span>2018</span>), a mechanism of subjection (Butler, <span>1997</span>), regressive assertion of victimization (Brown, <span>1995</span>), or as a fundamentally skewed concept (McNay, <span>2008</span>). In this line of thinking, desire for recognition reinforced inequality, instead of realizing more freedom.</p><p>This predicament has shaped the contemporary discussion. One response was trying to find a middle way and reconcile opposing dynamics. Recognition was seen to be inherently ambivalent: crucial for personhood and autonomy, as well as for making people accommodate to stratified social positions (Allen, <span>2021</span>; Ikäheimo et al, <span>2021</span>; McQueen, <span>2014</span>). On the ambivalence reading, recognition was a mix: sometimes beneficial and sometimes detrimental. Recognition was vital for personal growth and well-being, yet oppressive when (and only when) it involved misrecognition by the other, as a consequence of its “determining identification and oppressive ascriptions” (Jaeggi, <span>2021</span>, p. 1; see also Honneth, <span>2018</span>). From this perspective, there is good recognition, which furthers personal development, as opposed to bad recognition, which constrains people. Is thereby the predicament of recognition resolved? It depends on how the oppressive element is conceptualized. Proponents of the ambivalence reading locate the oppressive mechanisms of recognition to identities and ascriptions. What if the impact of power stretches beyond identities and ascriptions? This article looks at desire and its dynamic. The thesis of what might be called the oppressive dynamics of desire, rather than identities or ascriptions, has been chosen as the point of departure. On this line of thinking, desire for recognition is from the very outset shaped by unequal social structures, and ","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12711","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44296844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Two types of democratic representation for the two wills of the people","authors":"Tom Malleson","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12707","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12707","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45440420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Parsing the promise of modernism: Habermas, the avant-garde and the aesthetics of normative order","authors":"Benedict Coleridge","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12701","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12701","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In a 2018 interview with Jürgen Habermas by the Spanish newspaper <i>El Pais</i>, visiting journalists noted that Habermas’ home, bedecked with modern art, presented “a juxtaposition of Bauhaus modernism and Bavaria's staunch conservatism” (Hermoso, <span>2018</span>). The shelves were lined with the German Romantics and the walls adorned with icons of European aesthetic modernism, cohering with the style of the house itself. In fleeting autobiographical remarks made in the preface to his essays in <i>Naturalism and Religion</i>, Habermas proffers an account of his decorative tastes and the experiences and hopes at which they gesture. He writes of the postwar revelations that disclosed a civilizational rupture after 1945, along with the sense of cultural release brought about by the doors being opened “to Expressionist art, to Kafka, Thomas Mann, and Hermann Hesse, to world literature written in English, to the contemporary philosophy of Sartre and the French left-wing Catholics, to Freud and Marx, as well as to the pragmatism of John Dewey…” (Habermas, <span>2008</span>, p. 19). He continues to describe how “the liberating, revolutionary spirit of Modernism found compelling visual expression in Mondrian's constructivism, in the cool geometric lines of Bauhaus architecture, and in uncompromising industrial design” (Habermas, <span>2008</span>, p. 19). Together, these aesthetic movements espoused what Rembert (<span>2015</span>) calls a determination to develop an artistic practice that conveyed a “new world image” (p. 40). According to Habermas, the “cultural opening” instigated by these aesthetic pursuits “went hand in hand with a political opening,” which primarily took the form of “the political constructions of social contract theory…combined with the pioneering spirit and the emancipatory promise of Modernism” (Habermas, <span>2008</span>, p. 19). In this brief sketch Habermas depicts politics and aesthetics working in tandem to drive emancipatory social renewal; the intellectual constructions necessary for political transformation leaned, he suggests, upon the revolutionary social vision framed by modernism's “cool geometry.” This article further explores this connection with a view to examining the role of modernism as an imaginative resource for the kind of normative integration developed by Habermas in his pursuit of the neo-Kantian “project of modernity”—that is, the project of integrating pluralistic mass societies via postmetaphysical rational presuppositions and the normative principles to which they give rise. In excavating and critiquing the resources that inform Habermas’ normative framework, this article locates an important source of inspiration in 20th century European aesthetic modernism, which, I argue, supplies something like an “orienting background metaphor,” and a methodological resource, for the envisioning of a detranscendentalized normativity based upon the dualism of form and content (Blumenberg, <span>1983</span>,","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12701","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43760025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Recognition, power, and trust: Epistemic structural account of ideological recognition","authors":"Hiroki Narita","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12708","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12708","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Recognition is one of the most elusive and ambivalent concepts in political and social thought. In recent studies of the ambivalence of recognition (Ikäheimo et al., <span>2021</span>; Lepold, <span>2019</span>; McQueen, <span>2015</span>), recognition has the emancipatory aspect: Recognition is a necessary condition for individual freedom by forming a social basis of self-worth, and the struggle for recognition plays the significant role in political movements for emancipation. However, recognition has a dominating aspect: The demand for recognition can be exploited as an instrument for domination, reproducing existing problematic practices and identities. For example, sweatshops induce employees to voluntarily subjugate themselves to harsh working conditions by praising the employees’ self-dedicated character and enhancing their self-worth.</p><p>In recent philosophical debates, Axel Honneth has developed the most systematic theory of recognition. He discusses the problem of ambivalence in offering the concept of ideological recognition (Honneth, <span>2007</span>). Honneth's argument consists of two steps. In the first step, he defines ideological recognition as distinct from misrecognition. Misrecognition occurs when addressees believe their subjective self-image is not consistent with the recognition they receive. They feel misrecognized when their self-worth is inflicted. By contrast, the addressees have “good reason to accept” ideological recognition because they attain a stronger sense of self-worth through the recognition (p. 341). However, “ideological forms of recognition suffer a second-level rationality deficit” as it encourages the addressees’ willing subjection to the dominant social order (p. 346). This suggests that ideological recognition, an issue of “second-level rationality,” is judged independently from the addressees’ subjective perspective. Ideological recognition can be defined as that accepted by the addressees from their <i>subjective</i> point of view, but unjustified from an <i>objective</i> or <i>theoretical</i> point of view.</p><p>In the second step, Honneth proposes a substantive standard of ideological recognition, a standard of “how we can draw a distinction between justified and unjustified forms of social recognition” from an objective point of view (p. 340). According to Honneth, recognition is ideological when it maintains the addressees’ self-worth, while the evaluative promise expressed by the recognition cannot be materially instantiated. In the example above, recognizing the self-dedicated employees in the sweatshops is ideological and unjustified, for the sweatshops will not guarantee material and economic conditions for realizing the employees’ dedication to the company (not providing a minimum income level, for instance).</p><p>I argue against Honneth's substantive standard, not the conceptual definition of ideological recognition itself. It is because his standard is not broad enough to capture th","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12708","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42928382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Germany's silence: Testimonial injustice in the NSU investigation and willful ignorance in the NSU trial","authors":"Hilkje C. Hänel","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12703","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12703","url":null,"abstract":"<p>We can currently see the formation of new nationalist and racist parties or tendencies within established parties to lean towards right-wing politics within many European countries; from the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, the Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) in the Netherlands, Lega Nord or Lega in Italia, Vox in Spain, the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, Front National in France, the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden, Fidesz in Hungary, and Golden Dawn in Greece, to name only a few. At the same time, there has been a surge in racist, fascist, and antisemitic attacks within Europe. Since 1991, Neo-Nazi gangs have attacked migrants and members of antifascist groups, burned down housing facilities for asylum seekers (including facilities for Ukrainian refugees in 2022), disrupted social initiatives, and spread fear (BfV, <span>2022</span>; cf. Speit, <span>2021</span>). However, most of these activities were described as the criminal action of socially marginalized individuals, downplaying the organized structure behind these far-right activities and, thus, paving the way for more attacks.¹ Part of this paper is to show how the epistemic tools developed by the epistemology of ignorance literature can help to understand (a) why the organized structures of far-right movements are unintelligible within the dominant frame of intelligibility in Europe and (b) how the silence about far-right movements shifts the boundaries for what can be said or done, thus, having deeply problematic repercussions for who can feel safe in Europe. This paper has a modest aim: By bringing into focus contexts of social injustice that have not received much attention in the current literature and by understanding them with the help of existing research from the debate on problematic epistemic practices and philosophy of language, the paper aims to highlight some problematic practices.²</p><p>In this paper, I want to concentrate on a series of attacks carried out in Germany. From 2000 to 2007, the National Socialist Underground (NSU) succeeded in murdering 10 people, one police officer, and nine migrants in Germany. The victims are Enver Şimşek, Abdurrahim Özüdoğru, Süleyman Taşköprü, Habil Kılıç, Mehmet Turgut, İsmail Yaşar, Theodoros Boulgarides, Mehmet Kubaşık, Halit Yozgat, and Michèle Kiesewetter. NSU also attempted to murder another 43 times, committed three bomb attacks in Nuremberg and Cologne, as well as 15 robberies. In addition to the three known members of the organization—Beate Zschäpe, Uwe Mundlos, and Uwe Böhnhardt—it remains an open question how many others were involved. However, it can be assumed that they had good connections with at least another 100–200 persons; including confidential informants, members of the German intelligence service and police force, and officials of extreme right-wing parties.³ Yet, instead of investigating even the possibility of a Neo-Nazi terrorist organization as relatives of the victims ","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12703","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48041537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Movement parties of the left, right, and center: A discursive-organizational approach","authors":"Seongcheol Kim","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12705","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12705","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The term “movement party” has gained widespread currency in the social sciences in recent years, finding extensive application to political parties ranging from the radical left (Della Porta et al., &lt;span&gt;2017&lt;/span&gt;) to the far right (Caiani &amp; Císař, &lt;span&gt;2019&lt;/span&gt;; Pirro &amp; Castelli Gattinara, &lt;span&gt;2018&lt;/span&gt;). Unlike with other academic buzzwords such as “populism,” however, there is also a notable lack of readily identifiable and competing theoretical paradigms that have made systematic attempts at conceptualizing the term—a problem that Kitschelt (&lt;span&gt;2006&lt;/span&gt;, p. 278) already pointed out with his arguably first such attempt, noting that “movement party” lacks well-defined status as “a formal concept with a specific terminological content.” Since then, an influential strand of scholarship building on Kitschelt's work has emerged around what might be termed an &lt;i&gt;interactive-mobilizational&lt;/i&gt; approach, for which the primary definitional criterion for being a “movement party” is a hybridity of mobilizational repertoires in the electoral-institutional and protest arenas giving rise to a loosely formalized interactive balance between movement and party orientations (hence the proposed syntagma “interactive-mobilizational”). As will be argued in the following, while this approach has succeeded in spawning a wide range of applications across distinct party types (from anti-austerity to far-right), the definitional focus on protest activity concedes insufficient attention to the organizational dimension and renders the concept of movement parties more or less reducible to what Borbáth and Hutter (&lt;span&gt;2021&lt;/span&gt;) have referred to as “protesting parties.” In recognizing both the merits and limitations of this literature, this paper proposes an alternative &lt;i&gt;discursive-organizational&lt;/i&gt; approach, drawing on the author's previous work based on the post-foundational discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe (&lt;span&gt;2001&lt;/span&gt;[1985]) to conceptualize movement parties as a distinct form of political organization: one that is predicated on horizontal integration of autonomously organized movement actors as the basic decision-making agents and constituent subjects within the party. From this perspective, I go on to examine three examples of movement parties of the radical left, center, and far right, respectively: the CUP (&lt;i&gt;Candidatures&lt;/i&gt; &lt;i&gt;d'Unitat&lt;/i&gt; &lt;i&gt;Popular&lt;/i&gt;) in Catalonia, the (now defunct) Együtt in Hungary, and the Right Sector in Ukraine. All three examples vividly illustrate the inherent organizational precarity (and, in some instances, ephemerality) of the movement party form, but also the willingness of these actors to maintain a movement party structure in high-stakes institutional contexts and their ability to exert recognizable political weight within these settings.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The discursive-organizational approach presented here draws on an expanded framework of post-foundational discourse theory in which political","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12705","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42141960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Jacobin flaws to transformative populism: Left populism and the legacy of European social democracy","authors":"Kolja Möller","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12698","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12698","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the established landscape of research in the social sciences, populism is seen as a type of politics that chiefly revolves around the distinction between the “people” and the “elite”.¹ Within this, different forms of populism can be distinguished—ranging from right-wing and authoritarian to liberal-centrist and religious varieties. In the camp of the political left, populism is often cast as essentially a democratic endeavor. Drawing on a conception of inclusive peoplehood, which is not opposed to other vulnerable social groups “below” but solely to the “elite above”, many authors emphasize that it is crucial to pursue a populist strategy in order to overcome existing hegemonies, democratic deficits, ossifications, and class-rule (Grattan, <span>2016</span>; Howse, <span>2019</span>; Kempf, <span>2020</span>; McCormick, <span>2001</span>; Mouffe, <span>2018</span>). Throughout the past few decades, the landscape of research on left populism has grown considerably. Various studies have investigated the history of anti-establishment popular movements of the 19th century, such as the Narodniki in Russia or the American Populist Party (Canovan, <span>1981</span>; Kazin, <span>1995</span>). Further, research has also looked at how, from the 1990s, anti-neoliberal alliances in Latin America had their momentum, entered governmental office, and established a far-reaching renewal of constitutional orders (Linera, <span>2014</span>; Weyland, <span>2013</span>). And in particular, in the last decade, the rejuvenation of left politics in Europe and the United States has often relied on populist approaches (Katsambekis &amp; Kioupkiolis, <span>2019</span>).</p><p>Taking a more systematic stance, theories of radical democracy have sought to demonstrate that politics in modern societies is structured around the embodiment of the “people” as an empty signifier. From this perspective, it is not by accident that left varieties of populism can be recurrently observed; their persistence reflects that politics is, at its heart, not only concerned with policy-issues but with “constructing the people” (Laclau, <span>2014</span>). Thus, populism may not be episodic, accidental, or a specific ideology that brings the vital interests of ordinary people to the fore. Rather, it must be seen as a generalizable discursive strategy—in the words of Ernesto Laclau: the “royal road”—when it comes to the strive for political power (Laclau, <span>2005</span>, p. 67).² In recent years, a neo-Machiavellian strand of research has emerged that is not so much concerned with the discursive construction of peoplehood, instead focusing on the materiality of social power. Drawing inspiration from the political philosophy of Early Modernity and Niccolò Machiavelli's insights on the exercise of political rule, these approaches assume that societies are constantly split between the “plebian” people and the ruling elites (McCormick, <span>2001</span>; Vergara, <span>","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12698","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48989561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"For Those Who Will Follow; Earth Marred and Renewing Relationships","authors":"Yann Allard-Tremblay","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12679","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12679","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Wherever one is in North America, one is on Indigenous lands. Some Indigenous peoples may have been exterminated or removed to other locations, and their contemporary presence may not be highly visible, yet this remains Indigenous land. Nevertheless, rarely do non-Indigenous individuals and institutions consider the responsibilities that come with the fact of being on Indigenous lands (cf. Asch, <span>2014</span>). To a large extent, this is because settlers regard the state they control as holding a legitimate claim to sovereign authority. Not only is this a claim that bars rightful relationships with Indigenous peoples, it also discloses contemporary settler societies’ disconnection from their Earthboundedness (Asch et al., <span>2018</span>; Borrows, <span>2018</span>) because it extends both over peoples and lands.</p><p>I propose to consider how, from the locality of some settler states such as Canada and the United States, an intimate connection between the settlers’ claim to sovereignty, mastery and possession, and Modernity/Coloniality, is disclosed, which is significant for understanding the Anthropocene and for envisioning ways of acting otherwise that may help to remedy it. My claims regarding the Anthropocene and Modernity/Coloniality are thus perspectival; they do not pretend to offer complete and universal accounts of either, but rather hope to diagnose distinctive features of both, as experienced and disclosed from the underside of Modernity.</p><p>I see the Anthropocene, or the Age of Man, as a symptom of contemporary settler societies’ view of themselves as <i>floating free from the land</i>, to use Brian Burkhart's formulation (<span>2019</span>) and of their associated idea of Man. Man, in this context, does not refer to humanity as a whole, but rather to the Western white cis-gendered heteropatriarchal agent of Modernity/Coloniality (Mignolo, <span>2007, 2011</span>; Yusoff, <span>2018</span>) who is driven by a will to mastery and possession (Schulz, <span>2017</span>; Singh, <span>2018</span>). This Modern/Colonial Man presents himself as the universal subject, and thereby erases and disqualifies alternative ways of being human (Singh, <span>2018</span>, Chapter Introduction).</p><p>I engage with First Nation and Native American—hereafter Indigenous—political thought and movements to articulate an alternative to the un-earthbound political practices and associated subjectivity of the Man of the Anthropocene. I use Indigenous as a collective shorthand, but my focus is on the distinct political experiences, struggles, and traditions of some of the Indigenous peoples of the lands now claimed by Canada and the United States and the radical alternatives they disclose to dominant Modern/Colonial lifeways, the significance of which extends far beyond their respective contexts. Although I appeal to the distinction between Indigenous and Western thoughts, this is not to essentialize or deny the complexities of either, but in refer","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12679","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43921512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Constituent power: A history By LuciaRubinelli, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020Constituent power in the European Union By MarkusPatberg, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020","authors":"Joel I Colón-Ríos","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12688","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44532951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}