Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory最新文献

{"title":"Fear of Black Consciousness By Lewis R. Gordon. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022","authors":"William Paris","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12752","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12752","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 3","pages":"485-487"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140743100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Force of Truth: Critique, Genealogy, and Truth-Telling in Michel Foucault By Daniele Lorenzini, Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 2023","authors":"Frieder Vogelmann","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12751","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12751","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 2","pages":"291-293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140743780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Neoliberal Citizenship: Sacred Markets, Sacrificial Lives By Luca Mavelli, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022","authors":"Luke Glanville","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12746","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12746","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 3","pages":"483-485"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140745554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Deparochializing Political Theory By Melissa S. Williams, New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2020","authors":"Nicholas Tampio","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12750","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12750","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 3","pages":"481-483"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140743516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Intersubjectivity and ecology: Habermas on natural history","authors":"Felix Kämper","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12740","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12740","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In philosophy, the field of natural history generally explores the transition from natural prehistory to genuine human history. It asks whether, and if so how, the human species rose above the realm of nature. Regarding the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, this type of inquiry is predominantly associated with the essay “The Idea of Natural History” by Theodor W. Adorno (<span>1984</span>; Pensky, <span>2004</span>). There, Adorno assumes a constant interlocking of nature and history such that we cannot (yet) speak of a truly human history. But there is another version of natural history in Critical Theory, namely, that of Jürgen Habermas. Often overlooked, there exists no systematic discussion of it until now. One of the two central aims of this article is to close this gap and highlight key features of Habermas's version of natural history. What sets it apart is that it is thoroughly <i>intersubjective</i>: The natural history of Habermas brings out the role of linguistically based cooperation in the transition to human history. As we will see, this theme runs through his oeuvre since a 1958 article on philosophical anthropology at least, though it emerges most elaborately only in his <i>Also a History of Philosophy</i> (originally published in 2019).</p><p>In this book, Habermas looks for signs of reason in history. This search is triggered by the diagnosis that autonomous collective action lacks traction to counter the aberrations of modernity. To solve this problem, he puts forward a history of learning processes. Although it is essential for this overarching purpose, the discussion around the book has thus far entirely ignored natural history. This deficit can be compensated for by exploring Habermas's take on the works of two anthropological thinkers, Johann G. Herder and Michael Tomasello. The engagement with their writings establishes a natural-historical point of departure for his quest to detect reason in history. The second aim of this article is to show that, in his occupation with them, Habermas marginalizes a crucial insight of Tomasello and especially of Herder—the dependence of the course of history on <i>ecological</i> circumstances—and accordingly underestimates the significance of environmental conditions for propelling collective self-determination. Whereas the first aim is more interpretive, this second aim has a critical intent, foregrounding the influence of the natural environment on developments in the intersubjective dimension.</p><p>The overall argument of this article proceeds as follows. The first section provides an overview of the hitherto overlooked role of natural history in Habermas's thinking. It proves to be a constant throughout his work. The second section continues this overview by analyzing his engagement with Herder in <i>Also a History of Philosophy</i>. Drawing on Herder's natural history, Habermas conceptualizes his own history of learning processes. The third section subsequently concludes t","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"520-531"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12740","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140078113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Marx's three different conceptions of political change under capitalism: Direct democracy, proletarian revolution, or self-government under proletarian leadership","authors":"Can Mert Kökerer","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12741","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12741","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Scholars have interpreted Marx's conception of political change within the framework of his critique of capitalist society in myriad ways. Three main interpretations have prevailed in Marx scholarship in the last few decades with regard to his conception of political change under capitalism. The first interpretation, which is epitomized by Althusser's (<span>1965</span>) division of Marx's intellectual development into an early and late period, claims that his earlier philosophical and radical democratic analyses give place to a more scientific conception of capitalist society (see Cantin, <span>2003</span>). The philosophical and ideological interests of the Young Marx, which provides “a radical-democratic interpretation” (Habermas, <span>1989</span>, p. 126), according to this understanding, are superseded by the scientific and materialistic analyses of the Old Marx. Whereas the Young Marx entertains the possibility of achieving human emancipation through radical democratic politics, they highlight “the incompatibility of such writings with the historical insights and doctrines of the mature Marx” (Krancberg, <span>1982</span>, p. 23). From the second half of the 19th century, they claim, Marx no longer pays attention to those political concepts and philosophical questions influenced by Aristotle, Rousseau, and Hegel, but is rather interested in providing a scientific analysis and critique of the capitalist mode of production for revolutionary communist politics.</p><p>The second and third groups of scholars directly oppose this division of Marx into an early and late period through the Althusserian concept of epistemological break, although their emphases on the development of his conception of political change under capitalism diverge significantly. The main argument of the second group (Avineri, <span>1968</span>; Draper, <span>1974</span>; Femia, <span>1993</span>; Fromm, <span>1961</span>; Grollios, <span>2011</span>; Springborg, <span>1984a</span>, <span>1984b</span>) is that Marx's earlier notion of democracy as the locus of human freedom is to a large extent encompassed by his later understanding of communism. They stress that “in his Critique of Hegel, what Marx terms ‘democracy’ is not fundamentally different from what he will later call ‘communism’” (Femia, <span>1993</span>, p. 70). Rather than finding an epistemological break in Marx's earlier and later writings, they claim that “in spite of certain changes in concepts, in mood, in language” (Fromm, <span>1961</span>, p. 79), the mid-1840s onward, Marx uses very similar terms with his earlier account of democracy to describe what communism would look like after the overthrow of capitalist society. They go as far as to maintain that “the Communist Manifesto is immanent in the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right” (Avineri, <span>1968</span>, p. 34). Thus, there occurs only a change in the terminology he employs during this period “in the direction of defining consistent democr","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"545-562"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12741","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140081229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Reimagining citizenship: Exploring the intersection of ecofeminism and republicanism through political care and compulsory care service","authors":"Jaeim Park","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12742","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12742","url":null,"abstract":"<p>As the world was hit by COVID-19, care workers were once again recognized as key workers in society, whose primary responsibility is to ensure the survival and well-being of people. Care work is defined as a set of “economic activities in the home, market, community, and state that fit loosely under the rubric of human services” (Folbre, <span>2006</span>, pp. 11–12). Although care work is frequently performed within households as an unpaid form of labor and is not monetized, the pandemic has revealed a shortage of care supplies and an increasing demand for care. Despite its importance, care work remains one of the lowest-paying occupations in the global capitalist economy. Furthermore, recent studies have indicated that women, both in and outside the formal workforce, continue to bear a disproportionate burden of unpaid care work (Chopra & Zambelli, <span>2017</span>; Güney-Frahm, <span>2020</span>; Power, <span>2020</span>).</p><p>Given these complexities and contradictions, this article aims to contribute to the adequate recognition of such an essential and ineliminable form of work. Feminist scholars and care theorists have attempted to reframe care as an explicitly political idea (Held, <span>2018</span>; Kittay, <span>1999</span>; Noddings, <span>1984</span>; Robinson, <span>2010</span>; Ruddick, <span>1980</span>; Sevenhuijsen, <span>1998</span>; Tronto, <span>1993</span>). Previous research about care work has commonly been raised from an enduring critique that the notions of public sphere and citizenship have been plagued by a misogynized democracy deficit.</p><p>The first section characterizes care work as an essential maintenance activity that stems from human vulnerability. Then the second section shows how both vulnerability and care work are “feminized” and therefore “interiorised” by “imagined invulnerability,” a dominant patriarchal mentality, logic, norm, and discipline of liberal capitalism. The third section, however, argues that care should be a collective concern of all citizens, moving it out of the private sphere and into the realm of politics, by interpreting the Arendtian understanding of “the political” and “public life.” Not only is care already a political issue, but it should also be developed as a sense of citizenship, which this article shall call <i>political care</i>. This is achieved by combining ecofeminist philosophy with the republican understanding of politics and power, so that care work is no longer gendered but seen as a universal interest for all citizens in society. To this end, the article proposes an institution of compulsory care service, given its emphasis on both degendering care work and fostering active citizenship.</p><p>First and foremost, as humans, we are inherently vulnerable beings. Vulnerability is a defining aspect of our existence and is an inseparable part of what it means to be human. It stems from our corporeality and mortality and encompasses our universal susceptibility to hun","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"705-719"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12742","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140423285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Technology, conscience, and the political: Harold Laski's pluralism in Carl Schmitt's intellectual development","authors":"Florian R. R. van der Zee","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12735","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12735","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"610-624"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139810441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Democratic self-defense and public sphere institutions","authors":"Ludvig Norman, Ludvig Beckman","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12737","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12737","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Contemporary concerns with democratic backsliding and contestation of democratic institutions, even in consolidated democracies, have reignited longstanding debates on how democratic societies should respond to perceived anti-democratic threats and what a principled “democratic self-defense” should look like (Kirshner, <span>2014</span>; Müller, <span>2016</span>; Malkopoulou & Norman, <span>2018</span>; cf. Loewenstein, <span>1937</span>). The core dilemma in these debates concerns the extent to which restrictions on anti-democratic speech, actors, and their associations can be justified in the interest of protecting the integrity of democratic institutions and strengthening democracy's guardrails.</p><p>Variations of this dilemma, traditionally concerned with the protection of democratic institutions, have increasingly come to the fore in other arenas of democratic societies. Public sphere institutions such as schools, universities, and public broadcasting organizations, as well as social media platforms have become deeply entangled in discussions on the limits of speech and political action. These institutions are expected, either by convention or legislation, to uphold and reproduce core liberal democratic values while also remaining open to a plurality of views, allowing for the free formation and expression of political ideas. Yet, the existing literature has had less to say about what values should guide decisions to restrict or call out speech deemed to challenge liberal democratic norms in the context of these public sphere institutions.</p><p>Our concern in this article is to clearly flesh out what core dilemmas of democratic self-defense in the public sphere consist of and theorize the democratic values at stake in this context. Seeing human dignity as a fundamental value for liberal democracy, we argue, helps us to more precisely identify the character of democratic threats in the public sphere, the various ways in which democratic values may be undermined, and in light of that, how public sphere institutions may respond to these challenges.</p><p>Crucially, the assumption that human dignity is a basic democratic value allows us to identify how legally protected speech can still be highly problematic from a democratic perspective. This is important, we argue, as many of the challenges to liberal democracy involve individual-level harms, instances where the human dignity of individual people is undermined. Key to this argument is theorizing the link between attacks on the equal dignity of citizens and attacks on democracy. We tie human dignity as a democratic value to the respect and status afforded to individuals as members of a political community. Paying attention to this link in the context of democracy helps highlight characteristics of speech that have not received sustained attention in current discussions on militant democracy and democratic self-defense.</p><p>Our argument emphasizes that some members of democratic soci","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"580-594"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12737","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139810117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Manifesting the revolutionary people: The Yellow Vest Movement and popular sovereignty","authors":"Samuel Hayat","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12736","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12736","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The 2010s ended as they had begun: with mass popular uprisings (Brannen et al., <span>2020</span>). And as had happened during the Arab Spring and the subsequent democratic movements of the early part of the decade, these protests took place outside of existing organizations such as parties, unions, or associations. In France, Chile, Lebanon, Iraq, Ecuador, Hong Kong, or Algeria, it was as if <i>the people</i> were spontaneously rebelling against rising prices or the encroachment of freedom by their government, which they condemned as belonging to an oligarchy. The French Yellow Vest Movement, which began in November 2018 in opposition to a rise in fuel taxes, seems to have been the inaugural uprising of this wave of protests, and it received massive media coverage in France (Moualek, <span>2022</span>; Siroux, <span>2020</span>), as well as early and pronounced scholarly interest (Bendali & Rubert, <span>2020</span>; Bourmeau, <span>2019</span>; Confavreux, <span>2019</span>; Jeanpierre, <span>2019</span>; Le Bart, <span>2020</span>; Ravelli, <span>2020</span>). Yet there was then, and still is, no consensus on the political nature of the movement. Was it a movement of selfish motorists fighting to retain their right to pollute at low cost, or was it about social and environmental justice (Dormagen et al., <span>2021</span>; Mehleb et al., <span>2021</span>)? Was it the return of the working class to the center of the political stage or a movement that transcended class distinctions (Bantigny & Hayat, <span>2019</span>; Gerbaudo, <span>2023</span>)? Was it an apolitical movement with a series of demands derived from “anger” or “relative deprivation” (Lüders et al., <span>2021</span>; Morales et al., <span>2020</span>), or was it secretly controlled by leaders who had a political agenda?<sup>1</sup> Was it a populist or popular movement (Bergem, <span>2022</span>; Guerra et al., <span>2019</span>; Legris, <span>2022</span>), right or left (Bendali et al., <span>2019</span>; Cointet et al., <span>2021</span>; Collectif d'enquête sur les Gilets jaunes, <span>2019</span>)? Was it just another episode in the long history of protest in France, or was it an unprecedented movement aiming at nothing less than a brand new social contract (Devellennes, <span>2021</span>)?</p><p>How can we make sense of this apparent impossibility of grasping what the Yellow Vest Movement really wanted? It seems that the Yellow Vests were not really heard, not because they did not speak—they were avidly invited onto TV shows, interviewed in newspapers, and many of them had tirelessly documented their own activity on social networks, especially Facebook (Baisnée et al., <span>2022</span>; Souillard et al., <span>2020</span>)—but because they did not speak appropriately political language, i.e., language that would have been transparent and easy to categorize for professional political commentators such as journalists and academics. Indeed, when they spoke, some of","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"640-660"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12736","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140486093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}