Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory最新文献

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The state and society reconfigured: Resolving Arendt's “social question” through Kojève's “right of equity” 国家与社会的重构:通过科耶夫的 "公平权 "解决阿伦特的 "社会问题"
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12748
Bogdan Ovcharuk
{"title":"The state and society reconfigured: Resolving Arendt's “social question” through Kojève's “right of equity”","authors":"Bogdan Ovcharuk","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12748","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12748","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The equivocation of modern civil society—its democratic potential and the actuality of economic inequality—has been accentuated by the political situations in the East and West during the 20th century. In the former, the democratic potential of civil society was stifled under state socialism, while in the latter, the welfarism of state capitalism kept the exploitative features of capitalist civil society intact. With the collapse of “actually existing socialism” in the East and the perceived intellectual demise of Marxism everywhere, the neoliberal era in the West was marked by optimism in automation and the promotion of “democracy and human rights” in the East and the Global South. However, as a result of the neoliberal reconfiguration of the state and civil society, human rights became associated almost solely with formal liberties at the expense of substantive social rights, so much so that, as Samuel Moyn (<span>2018</span>) argued, “human rights have become prisoners of the contemporary age of inequality” (p. 6). This article departs from the presumption that it is not enough to only criticize neoliberalism. Instead, it is necessary to think of an affirmative way to reconfigure the relationship between the state and society and reconstruct the normative foundations of social rights out of the modern intellectual tradition.</p><p>The modern analysis of rights formalism can be seen as stemming from Hegel's critique that while Kant and Fichte's philosophies of right hinge on the primacy of subjective autonomy, the subject itself should be understood as historically and socially conditioned. Once formal rights are revealed as conditioned by historically identifiable social relations, the question of rights can be recast in terms of substantial inequality and its potential overcoming.<sup>1</sup> This critique of right formalism was extended by Marx to the analysis of property relations under 19th-century capitalism. It is not that Marx rejected traditional formal rights and the liberal conception of justice, but offered an immanent critique of these rights in the conditions of substantial inequities determined by capitalist property ownership (Shoikhedbrod, <span>2019</span>).</p><p>However, 20th-century Continental political philosophy significantly deviated from the critique of rights formalism and the question of substantial (in)equality. Contemporary Continental thinkers disavow notions of juridical rights altogether (Agamben, <span>1998, 1999</span>; Hardt & Negri, <span>2003</span>), recast the question of human rights in terms of radical democracy (Lefort, <span>1988</span>; Rancière, <span>2004</span>), or discuss the question of law and right in neo-Kantian ethical terms (Derrida, <span>2006</span>; Lévinas, <span>1998</span>).<sup>2</sup> Influenced by Arendt's thinking about the communicative aspect of political action, Habermas (<span>2001</span>) theorized economic welfare as a condition of deliberative democracy. However, hi","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 1","pages":"69-82"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12748","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140705711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Really existing liberalism, the bulwark fantasy, and the enabling of reactionary, far right politics1 真正存在的自由主义、堡垒幻想以及对反动极右政治的助长1
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-11 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12749
Aurelien Mondon
{"title":"Really existing liberalism, the bulwark fantasy, and the enabling of reactionary, far right politics1","authors":"Aurelien Mondon","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12749","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12749","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Therefore, I propose that core to the current panic over “illiberalism” and “populism” is a fantasy (Glynos, <span>2021</span>) whose discourse uncritically posits liberalism and liberal democracy as a natural bulwark against reaction. This narrative, born out of the Second World War and the defeat of fascism and Nazism, is based on a simplistic, mythologizing reading of history, which conveniently eschews the well-documented ambivalence of “the West” toward many key tenets of what would eventually become the benchmark for “evil” in politics (Meister, <span>2010</span>). In this narrative, the West and liberalism were redeemed through (eventually) taking sides against fascism (even though mainstream actors had not only partaken in some of the most abhorrent ideas pushed by the fascist regimes to their logical end but also influenced Hitler's own deathly ideology and practice (see Losurdo, <span>2014</span>, pp. 337–340 for a summary)). The Second World War conveniently wiped the slate clean for the liberal elite,<sup>3</sup> as if they had had no involvement in countless genocidal projects throughout the era of colonialism or are not continuing to benefit from the exploitation and/or exclusion of certain communities on the basis of (biological) race, gender, ability, or class.</p><p>What I argue in this article is that such fantasies have led Western democracies to a situation where full-fledged reaction is at the gates of power, and yet where there is still no appetite to face the possibility that <i>really existing liberalism</i><sup>4</sup> has been a more or less active enabler rather than a bulwark. Addressing such shortcomings would mean that if we were to be serious about democracy, solutions would have to be found elsewhere than in fantasized visions of the past or blamed on others for stealing our enjoyment of liberal democracy. This would mean facing the failings of liberalism itself and restarting history. Yet at present, we seem stuck in a cycle where all we can be given as an alternative to a deeply dysfunctional and disliked status quo are reactionary politics taking us back, rather than forward: There is no present or future, only the past, over and over again.</p><p>My aim is thus to tease out whether what we are seeing is the rise of “illiberalism” and/or “populism” against liberalism, or whether liberalism always held “illiberal” tendencies at its core and can therefore act as an enabler. To illustrate what has become an incredibly precarious position, where the rights of many are increasingly denied, threatened, or removed, I first briefly outline the construction of the liberal fantasy and counterpose it with really existing liberalism's failure to live by its own ideals. I then turn to the crumbling of the liberal fantasy and the necessity for the liberal elite of creating and hyping an illiberal other on the (far) right to strengthen the liberal hegemony leading to the mainstreaming of reaction. Finally, I conclude with a","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 1","pages":"47-58"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12749","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140714507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Fear of Black Consciousness By Lewis R. Gordon. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022 黑人意识的恐惧》 作者:刘易斯-R-戈登。法拉尔、斯特劳斯和吉鲁出版社,2022 年
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12752
William Paris
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引用次数: 0
The Force of Truth: Critique, Genealogy, and Truth-Telling in Michel Foucault By Daniele Lorenzini, Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press, 2023 真理的力量:米歇尔-福柯笔下的批判、谱系和讲真话 作者:丹尼尔-洛伦齐尼,芝加哥/伦敦:芝加哥大学出版社,2023 年
IF 0.7
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12751
Frieder Vogelmann
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberal Citizenship: Sacred Markets, Sacrificial Lives By Luca Mavelli, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022 新自由主义公民身份:卢卡-马维利(LucaMavelli)著,牛津大学出版社,2022 年:牛津大学出版社,2022 年
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12746
Luke Glanville
{"title":"Neoliberal Citizenship: Sacred Markets, Sacrificial Lives By Luca Mavelli, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022","authors":"Luke Glanville","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12746","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12746","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 3","pages":"483-485"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140745554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Deparochializing Political Theory By Melissa S. Williams, New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2020 政治理论的去政治化 梅丽莎-威廉姆斯(Melissa S.Williams)著,纽约州纽约市:剑桥大学出版社,2020 年
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12750
Nicholas Tampio
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引用次数: 0
The authoritarian orientation in liberal democracies: Labor market and workplace authoritarianism 自由民主国家的专制倾向:劳动力市场和工作场所的专制主义
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12743
Takamichi Sakurai
{"title":"The authoritarian orientation in liberal democracies: Labor market and workplace authoritarianism","authors":"Takamichi Sakurai","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12743","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12743","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Authoritarianism is of growing interest to liberal democracies despite being a traditional concept. To be sure, many dictatorial societies are characterized by authoritarian features, not least by those of their leaders. The concept of authoritarianism, however, does not confine its scope to those societies but has also been applied to analyses of the West, and discussion at the latter level is indeed much more important for us in self-critical terms. In addition, issues involving the political pathology have not been discussed sufficiently at the level of everyday life in liberal democracies. It appears that some pivotal aspects of authoritarianism have long been overlooked and even underappreciated. In fact, while scholars have spotlighted the concept in relation to political structures chiefly in the Second and Third World (Albertus & Menaldo, <span>2018</span>; Bieber, <span>2019</span>; Bunce et al., <span>2010</span>; Collier, <span>1979</span>; Diamond et al., <span>2016</span>; Frankenberg, <span>2020</span>; Frantz, <span>2018</span>; Heydemann, <span>1999</span>; Jalal, <span>1995</span>; Karakoç, <span>2015</span>; Levitsky & Way, <span>2010</span>; Marquez, <span>2017</span>; O'Donnell, <span>1988</span>; Smith, <span>1989</span>; Tang, <span>2016</span>), they have not paid enough attention to its conceptual relevance in relation to those in the First World (Berberoglu, <span>2021</span>; Brown et al., <span>2018</span>; Canterbury, <span>2019</span>).<sup>1</sup> This seems due to the lack of a deeper appreciation of the meaning of the concept in the dimensions of capitalism and market economy, in which authoritarianism emerges as market mechanisms, especially as labor market and workplace authoritarianism.</p><p>Erich Fromm (1900−1980) is an archetypal scholar who best illuminates issues of market economy in terms of authoritarianism and does so by combining his distinctive characterological theories. According to Fromm, narcissism is functioning in market society and becomes a negative factor in democracy (Fromm, <span>1964, 1971</span> [1947]; see Sakurai, <span>2018a</span>, <span>2020</span>, <span>2021</span>). In addition, it is, says Fromm (<span>2004</span> [1961]), intertwined with the free market capitalist function of alienation, a pathological social phenomenon wherein human beings are made objects of a system and the latter thereby turns into a subject called “capital” (Marx, <span>2004</span> [1844]; see Sakurai, <span>2018b</span>, <span>2021</span>).<sup>2</sup> In order to observe the depth of some connotations of authoritarianism in liberal democracies, it is necessary to look into the mechanisms of narcissism and alienation, and thereby identify the main implications of the authoritarian orientation, a pathological character structure that has been applied primarily to outline the Nazi orientation, particularly with the aid of Fromm's contributions (Fromm, <span>1941, 1984</span>; see McLaughlin, <span","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 1","pages":"59-68"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12743","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140262540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Intersubjectivity and ecology: Habermas on natural history 主体间性与生态学:哈贝马斯论自然史
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12740
Felix Kämper
{"title":"Intersubjectivity and ecology: Habermas on natural history","authors":"Felix Kämper","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12740","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12740","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In philosophy, the field of natural history generally explores the transition from natural prehistory to genuine human history. It asks whether, and if so how, the human species rose above the realm of nature. Regarding the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, this type of inquiry is predominantly associated with the essay “The Idea of Natural History” by Theodor W. Adorno (<span>1984</span>; Pensky, <span>2004</span>). There, Adorno assumes a constant interlocking of nature and history such that we cannot (yet) speak of a truly human history. But there is another version of natural history in Critical Theory, namely, that of Jürgen Habermas. Often overlooked, there exists no systematic discussion of it until now. One of the two central aims of this article is to close this gap and highlight key features of Habermas's version of natural history. What sets it apart is that it is thoroughly <i>intersubjective</i>: The natural history of Habermas brings out the role of linguistically based cooperation in the transition to human history. As we will see, this theme runs through his oeuvre since a 1958 article on philosophical anthropology at least, though it emerges most elaborately only in his <i>Also a History of Philosophy</i> (originally published in 2019).</p><p>In this book, Habermas looks for signs of reason in history. This search is triggered by the diagnosis that autonomous collective action lacks traction to counter the aberrations of modernity. To solve this problem, he puts forward a history of learning processes. Although it is essential for this overarching purpose, the discussion around the book has thus far entirely ignored natural history. This deficit can be compensated for by exploring Habermas's take on the works of two anthropological thinkers, Johann G. Herder and Michael Tomasello. The engagement with their writings establishes a natural-historical point of departure for his quest to detect reason in history. The second aim of this article is to show that, in his occupation with them, Habermas marginalizes a crucial insight of Tomasello and especially of Herder—the dependence of the course of history on <i>ecological</i> circumstances—and accordingly underestimates the significance of environmental conditions for propelling collective self-determination. Whereas the first aim is more interpretive, this second aim has a critical intent, foregrounding the influence of the natural environment on developments in the intersubjective dimension.</p><p>The overall argument of this article proceeds as follows. The first section provides an overview of the hitherto overlooked role of natural history in Habermas's thinking. It proves to be a constant throughout his work. The second section continues this overview by analyzing his engagement with Herder in <i>Also a History of Philosophy</i>. Drawing on Herder's natural history, Habermas conceptualizes his own history of learning processes. The third section subsequently concludes t","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"520-531"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12740","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140078113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
A decolonial wrong turn: Walter Mignolo's epistemic politics 非殖民主义的错误转向:沃尔特-米尼奥洛的认识论政治学
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-03-06 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12744
David Myer Temin
{"title":"A decolonial wrong turn: Walter Mignolo's epistemic politics","authors":"David Myer Temin","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12744","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12744","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Proponents of a decolonial “option” or “turn” have developed the concepts of “coloniality of power/being/knowledge” and “decoloniality.” In so doing, many advance the claim that these frameworks improve on, complete, or serve as an alternative “option” to earlier conceptions of decolonization, where the latter is understood as the emancipation of colonized subjects from structures of colonial and imperial domination. In this essay, I critically assess some of this theoretical architecture, by way of a critique of the very specific version of decolonial thought developed under this rubric by the Argentinian (US-based) semiotician and philosopher Walter Mignolo. My contention is that Mignolo's focus on the <i>epistemic</i> dimensions of decolonization often serves instead to distort or flatten the worthwhile inheritances of anticolonial material practices and analyses. Mignolo would likely respond that he is seeking to <i>supplement</i> and <i>extend</i> the latter projects of decolonization into a more epistemic register where they have not (sufficiently) gone before. By contrast, I aim to show how Mignolo frequently diminishes and/or displaces some of the more compelling dimensions of anticolonial thought and decolonization that have been traced in recent historiography and in fields such as Indigenous and settler-colonial studies. I call this tendency Mignolo's “epistemic politics.” As a counterpoint, I briefly propose an alternative for political theorists of decolonization, what I call “worldly anticolonialism.”</p><p>The essay proceeds as follows. The first section briefly justifies my focus on Mignolo. The second section situates unfamiliar readers by summarizing the central propositions of Mignolo's version of the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality (MCD) research program. A key through-line in my interpretation is that Mignolo's account of “coloniality” and proposed “decolonial option” aims primarily at “epistemic decolonization,” motivated by his account of the epistemic <i>shortcomings</i> of previous strands of anticolonial projects.</p><p>The third section then shows how Mignolo misdescribes key historical trajectories and inheritances of <i>anti</i>colonialism. In effect, he flattens the structural and normative complexity and force of these various fields of thought and practice. The analysis of “decoloniality” as distinct from a more political conception of decolonization loses much of its underlying rationale in view of (what I hope to establish as) the exaggerated and distorted character of Mignolo's critiques of histories of anticolonial thought and practice.</p><p>The fourth section then draws on work in Indigenous and settler-colonial studies to show how Mignolo's notion of coloniality also obscures central features of the power relations constitutive of <i>settler colonialism</i> in the Americas. In doing so, they undercut a more targeted and specific analysis of (1) the structural and social reproduction of settler colonia","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"32 1","pages":"139-153"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12744","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140078552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Marx's three different conceptions of political change under capitalism: Direct democracy, proletarian revolution, or self-government under proletarian leadership 马克思关于资本主义政治变革的三种不同概念:直接民主、无产阶级革命或无产阶级领导下的自治
IF 1.2
Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory Pub Date : 2024-03-03 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8675.12741
Can Mert Kökerer
{"title":"Marx's three different conceptions of political change under capitalism: Direct democracy, proletarian revolution, or self-government under proletarian leadership","authors":"Can Mert Kökerer","doi":"10.1111/1467-8675.12741","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1467-8675.12741","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Scholars have interpreted Marx's conception of political change within the framework of his critique of capitalist society in myriad ways. Three main interpretations have prevailed in Marx scholarship in the last few decades with regard to his conception of political change under capitalism. The first interpretation, which is epitomized by Althusser's (<span>1965</span>) division of Marx's intellectual development into an early and late period, claims that his earlier philosophical and radical democratic analyses give place to a more scientific conception of capitalist society (see Cantin, <span>2003</span>). The philosophical and ideological interests of the Young Marx, which provides “a radical-democratic interpretation” (Habermas, <span>1989</span>, p. 126), according to this understanding, are superseded by the scientific and materialistic analyses of the Old Marx. Whereas the Young Marx entertains the possibility of achieving human emancipation through radical democratic politics, they highlight “the incompatibility of such writings with the historical insights and doctrines of the mature Marx” (Krancberg, <span>1982</span>, p. 23). From the second half of the 19th century, they claim, Marx no longer pays attention to those political concepts and philosophical questions influenced by Aristotle, Rousseau, and Hegel, but is rather interested in providing a scientific analysis and critique of the capitalist mode of production for revolutionary communist politics.</p><p>The second and third groups of scholars directly oppose this division of Marx into an early and late period through the Althusserian concept of epistemological break, although their emphases on the development of his conception of political change under capitalism diverge significantly. The main argument of the second group (Avineri, <span>1968</span>; Draper, <span>1974</span>; Femia, <span>1993</span>; Fromm, <span>1961</span>; Grollios, <span>2011</span>; Springborg, <span>1984a</span>, <span>1984b</span>) is that Marx's earlier notion of democracy as the locus of human freedom is to a large extent encompassed by his later understanding of communism. They stress that “in his Critique of Hegel, what Marx terms ‘democracy’ is not fundamentally different from what he will later call ‘communism’” (Femia, <span>1993</span>, p. 70). Rather than finding an epistemological break in Marx's earlier and later writings, they claim that “in spite of certain changes in concepts, in mood, in language” (Fromm, <span>1961</span>, p. 79), the mid-1840s onward, Marx uses very similar terms with his earlier account of democracy to describe what communism would look like after the overthrow of capitalist society. They go as far as to maintain that “the Communist Manifesto is immanent in the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right” (Avineri, <span>1968</span>, p. 34). Thus, there occurs only a change in the terminology he employs during this period “in the direction of defining consistent democr","PeriodicalId":51578,"journal":{"name":"Constellations-An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory","volume":"31 4","pages":"545-562"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8675.12741","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140081229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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