{"title":"On the syntax of the negative marker Mei6 in Cantonese","authors":"Sze-wing Tang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0013","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 'still', can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.摘要:本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记 \"未\" 的句法特点。谓语前 的\"未\"属于否定词短语的中心语,位处词汇层次;句末\"未\"属于 时间类句末助词,位于时间词短语的中心语,位处屈折层次,形成反 复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析,跟\"未\"相关的谓语 匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词\"仲\" 分布等语言事实,都可以得到合理的解释。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"323 - 347"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41818268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Relative clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo-relatives are derived from the A'-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati's labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.摘要:众所周知,现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由\"的\"引导。相比之下, 上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富,共有\"者\"\"之\"\"所\" 三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种 关系从句。我们认为\"者\"是主语关系代词,而\"所\"是VP内关系代 词,带\"者\"或\"所\"的关系从句是通过关系代词A'移动至边缘位置 而生成的,并借此在LF 层建立了算子–变量关系。同时,我们将采用 Cecchetto 和Donati 的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可 构成无核关系从句,又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至 于关系化标记\"之\",我们认为它与英语中的that 相似,是标句词C, 而\"之\"引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说,上 古汉语和英语类语言一样,都具有两种独立的关系化策略,即要么通 过关系代词实现关系化,要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外,此文还 将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用:上 古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne 的提升(或称补语)分析 法。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"385 - 418"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46808926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Triggering an implied clause: Insights from tso in Changde dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0018","url":null,"abstract":"<p>ABSTRACT:</p><p>This paper argues that <i>tso</i> in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that <i>tso</i> is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb <i>ɕian</i><i>55</i> 先 'first'. Besides, <i>xa</i> 下 or <i>ta</i> 哒 alternately appears in a <i>tso</i>-suffixed sentence. A comparison of <i>tso</i> in Changde dialecct to <i>zhe</i> in Mandarin on the one hand and to <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that <i>tso</i> has similarities to and differences from both. While <i>zhe</i> is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+<i>zhe</i>] construction. Although both of <i>tso</i> and <i>tşe</i><i>55</i> can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of <i>tso</i> is more constrained than <i>tşe</i><i>55</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"475 - 508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41443563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Turning the tide: Reversing heritage language attrition and shift in a Chinese American family","authors":"Y. Li, S. Matthews","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT:Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.摘要:移民至英语国家的家庭,比如在美华裔家庭,通常会在三代人的时间 内就不再传承母语,转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转,如 某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研 究,阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第 三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语,增加母语的使用,继而提升其母语 能力。同时,第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分 的认同,也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"291 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47069457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Clause-Chain and Converb In Tibetan","authors":"Mingyuan Shao","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"摘要:小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语 是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言,在藏缅语中也极具特色。东 纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性,其形态句法特征 主要体现为四个方面:根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词 结构;副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类;副动词 和中间动词要采用非限定式,而主句则采用限定式;副动词从句和中 间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结 构,与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。ABSTRACT:Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"419 - 442"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48976206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Triggering an Implied Clause: Insights from Tso in Changde Dialect","authors":"Qing Tang, Liu Han, J. Han","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0115","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian先 ‘first’. Besides, xa下or ta哒alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43910885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the big silent appositive time in dà NP de construction in Chinese: A compositional approach.","authors":"Changsong Wang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0114","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the compositionality of [<em>dà</em> NP <em>de</em>] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NP<sub>TIME</sub> or an indirect time-denoting NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following <em>de</em>. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of <em>de</em>—that is, the equational/appositional use of <em>de</em> (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NP<sub>TIME</sub>/NPI<sub>TIME</sub>. This analysis of <em>de</em> helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. <em>Dà</em> ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., <em>the very book</em>) in English. <em>Dà</em> modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP <em>de</em> TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43374247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Relative Clauses in Archaic Chinese","authors":"Chen Zhao, Futong Zhang","doi":"10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jcl.2017.0111","url":null,"abstract":"As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe- and suo- relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.","PeriodicalId":44675,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Chinese Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49245264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}