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Disease, Healing and Medical Knowledge in an Old Bulgarian Collection of Miracle Stories 《老保加利亚奇迹故事集》中的疾病、治疗和医学知识
Y. Hristov, Dafina Kostadinova
{"title":"Disease, Healing and Medical Knowledge in an Old Bulgarian Collection of Miracle Stories","authors":"Y. Hristov, Dafina Kostadinova","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.37","url":null,"abstract":"The Old Bulgarian hagiographical collection of miracle stories, named A Tale of the Iron Cross, is relatively well known among the scholars, but a sufficient number of its details still has not been studied properly. In fact, such a peculiarity seems somehow strange, especially if we take into consideration that the mixture of translated and original strata in the present Tale’s version does not hinder its significance as a valuable primary source of historical information. There can be no doubt that the religious aspect in the hagiographical collection in question is the leading one in the foreground. On the other hand, however, the records of the daily life activities should not be underestimated either. Their presence within the frames of the Tale helps a lot in the scholars’ attempts to reconstruct the knowledge, skills, habits or principles of social behaviour in the Bulgarian society in the late 9th – early 10th century.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82526845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Iustitia and Corruptio in Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada
Dorothea Valentinova
{"title":"Iustitia and Corruptio in Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada","authors":"Dorothea Valentinova","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.35","url":null,"abstract":"After 476, Flavius Gundobadus, King of the Burgundians (473–516), sought ways and means to consolidate and strengthen his power, including through legal regulation of the relations between the Burgundians themselves, on the one hand, and between the Burgundians and the Gallo-Romans, on the other. Thus, Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada was issued, the main purpose of which is the legal regulation of the complex relations in the kingdom, through a codification of the preserved customary law – an embodiment of tribal traditions, practices, and customs, with reasonable use of Roman legal ideas, notions, and norms. \u0000The translation and analysis of selected provisions from Lex Gundobada in this paper show the extent to which the Burgundians perceived, received, adopted, and adapted some of the most valuable Roman legal and moral rules and principles, especially the Roman concepts of iustitia and corruptio, and how the rights of both the Burgundians and the Romans were regulated and protected through them. \u0000Lex Burgundionum is part of a series of legal Barbarian codes, compiled, adapted, published, and applied in the Barbarian regna between the 5th and 9th centuries. These codes are one of the significant and true sources for the historical reconstruction of the socio-political, socio-cultural, and legal-administrative transition from the late Roman Empire to the German kingdoms and early medieval Europe. They manifest how historically the arena of clashes, confrontations, and wars between Romanitas and Barbaritas gradually became a contact zone of legal reception, of cultural, legal, and socio-political influences, from which a new world will be born, a successor to the old ones, and a new legal system – the Romano-Germanic one.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82032676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Cook (mageiros) in Byzantium. Was there any Female mageiros? 拜占庭的库克(mageiros)。有女魔法师吗?
Ilias Anagnostakis, Maria Leontsini
{"title":"Cook (mageiros) in Byzantium. Was there any Female mageiros?","authors":"Ilias Anagnostakis, Maria Leontsini","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.32","url":null,"abstract":"The paper studies terms describing cooks and cooking activities that are preserved in Byzantine literature and draw their origins from the ancient Greek literature as well as from biblical and theological texts. Despite some development regarding the preference to the term opsopoios and opsartytēs without ceasing to use the term mageiros for the male cook, as well as the term demiourgos, only the latter is used for women to signal solely the preparation of pastries. It is proved that the conceptualization and connotations of the term mageiros, which are presented in detail, prevented its attribution to women. Further proof on the use of feminised masculine nouns for female professions or occupations in literature and the more concrete evidence on the services recorded in the typika of nunneries display the absolute abiding of the conscious avoidance of the term for women’s involvement in cooking.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86285188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Distant Origins of “Fat Shaming” or why the People of Antiquity did not Ridicule Fat Women “肥胖羞辱”的遥远起源或为什么古代人们不嘲笑胖女人
M. Stachura
{"title":"The Distant Origins of “Fat Shaming” or why the People of Antiquity did not Ridicule Fat Women","authors":"M. Stachura","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.36","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of “fat shaming” (in particular with its aspect of the especially harsh criticism of the corpulence in young adult women) seems nearly non-existent in the ancient Classical literature. The extant satirical depictions of fatness are uncommon and aimed, almost exclusively, at overweight men. The author of the paper analyses this satirical description, its background in the ancient moral philosophy, as well as comments on plumpness and gluttony in the context of assessments of the female physical beauty. He also attempts to explain how some ancient ideas may have evolved in the attitudes of today, showing some examples from the 19th-century prose as a step in the reshaping of the ancient ideas. Eventually, the author makes an attempt to offer a better understanding of this contemporary phenomenon, which only in some of its elements may be seen as rooted in Antiquity.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74156169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Gnesioi filoi: George Syncellus and Theophanes the Confessor – Addenda
Andrzej Kompa
{"title":"Gnesioi filoi: George Syncellus and Theophanes the Confessor – Addenda","authors":"Andrzej Kompa","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.34","url":null,"abstract":"The paper provides the addenda to A. Kompa, Gnesioi filoi: the search for George Syncellus’ and Theophanes the Confessor’s own words, and the authorship of their oeuvre, Studia Ceranea 5, 2015, p. 155–230. All the expressions crucial to the stylistic and stylometric argument on the authorship of the Chronography of Theophanes have been updated after 7 years and verified in the expanded TLG database. The updated results are presented below. The conclusions confirm the previous opinions on the individual, singular authorship of the chronicle of Theophanes with differences in style from the first part of the universal history, written by George Syncellus. At the same time, both works should be treated as a single project, and the prooimion to Theophanes’ part as a sound base faor the reconstruction of the writing process. The clauses ὡς προέφην, καθὼς καὶ προέφην, ὡς προέφημεν, and καθὼς προέφημεν are specific to the Chronography of Theophanes in their frequency and diversity, but they seem to be known and used by the circles from which Theophanes acquired his literary skills.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82134899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Written Languages in Moldavia during the Reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) 彼得·拉雷伊(1527-1538,1541-1546)统治时期摩尔达维亚的书面语言
Vladislav Knoll
{"title":"Written Languages in Moldavia during the Reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546)","authors":"Vladislav Knoll","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.33","url":null,"abstract":"The language of the Moldavian books and chancery documents written during the reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) shows an unneglectable variability depending on the purpose, addressee and format of the texts. Using all kinds of preserved texts from this period, we have tried to describe this variability focusing on the texts written in the Cyrillic script. These texts are evaluated according to three criteria: spelling, morphosyntax and vocabulary. The most prestigious variety was the Trinovitan (Tărnovo) variety of Middle Church Slavonic. Its shape in the texts, belonging to the common Church Slavonic legacy, shows the lowest impact of the Moldavian linguistic environment. The original Church Slavonic bookish texts composed in Moldavia (Macarie’s Chronicle, Enkomion to St John the New, colophons and inscriptions) show a variable proportion of Moldavian spelling and morphosyntactic markers. The chancery documents can be characterised by blending of Church Slavonic and Ruthenian (Ukrainian-based) elements. Except the Ruthenian-based documents addressed to Poland, the chancery documents are basically Church Slavonic shaped with Ruthenian infiltrations on the level of some fixed formulas, function words and few lexical items. Moreover, Slavonic letters sent to Transylvania show tiny Wallachian Slavonic influence, manifested by forms of Serbian chancery origin. Monastery charters combine CS-shaped Ruthenian formulas with Trinovitan Church Slavonic formulas, partly shared with colophons and inscriptions. Thus, the Moldavian written legacy shares common elements both with the Wallachian milieu (e.g. Romanian Cyrillic spelling of proper names, Romanian impact on morphosyntax, specific terminology etc.) as well as with a broader Ruthenian area (mainly the eastern part of the Polish-Lithuanian Union).","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72410382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Cyril of Scythopolis on Relieving the Damage in Palestine Inflicted during the Samaritan Revolt (529–531) 西多波里的西里尔论减轻撒玛利亚人起义对巴勒斯坦造成的损害(529-531)
Ireneusz Milewski
{"title":"Cyril of Scythopolis on Relieving the Damage in Palestine Inflicted during the Samaritan Revolt (529–531)","authors":"Ireneusz Milewski","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.31","url":null,"abstract":"The text analyses a short account by Cyril of Scythopolis concerning the imperial decision to finance the repair of the damages caused in Palestine by the Samaritan uprising of 529–531. A description of the alleged circumstances of this decision and information regarding the amount of the sum granted are examined. According to Cyril’s account, the granted sum, 13 centenarii of gold, was to be set aside from the tax revenues of Palestine and then used to rebuild (only) the ecclesiastical and monastic infrastructure. It is not clear from the text whether the repair of the aforementioned damage was to be financed only in the area of Palaestina secunda (where the main fighting of the rebellion took place) or also in Palaestina prima. Moreover, there is no mention in the text in question (as well as in other sources of the period) of the financing of the repair of other damages, which undoubtedly were also caused by the Samaritan uprising. The issue that interested the author most was the amount of money that the Emperor Justinian allegedly allocated for the above-mentioned purpose. In order to verify the amount, the author compared it with other data showing the abundance of the imperial treasury at the time of Anastasius and Justinian, as well as reached for other information on the wealth of the cities at that time. After analysing this data, the author has come to the conclusion that, despite some doubts, the sum of 13 centenarii of gold (1,300 pounds) mentioned by Cyril and allegedly allocated by the imperial court to repair the damage caused by the Samaritan uprising seems quite reasonable.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88831533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Повесть о юноше и чародее в славянской книжности 这是一本斯拉夫书中的一个年轻人和一个魔术师的故事。
Irina M. Gritsevskaya, V. Lytvynenko
{"title":"Повесть о юноше и чародее в славянской книжности","authors":"Irina M. Gritsevskaya, V. Lytvynenko","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.27","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73871892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Ronald A. Bleeker, Aspar and the Struggle for the Eastern Roman Empire, AD 421–71, Bloomsbury Publishing, London 2022, pp. XII, 234. Ronald A. Bleeker,《阿斯帕与东罗马帝国之争》,公元421-71年,布卢姆斯伯里出版社,伦敦2022年,第XII页,234页。
Łukasz Pigoński
{"title":"Ronald A. Bleeker, Aspar and the Struggle for the Eastern Roman Empire, AD 421–71, Bloomsbury Publishing, London 2022, pp. XII, 234.","authors":"Łukasz Pigoński","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.30","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87011750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Aconite – a Poison, or a Medicine? Ancient and Early Byzantine Testimonies 乌头是毒药还是良药?古代和早期拜占庭的证言
Krzysztof Jagusiak, Konrad Tadajczyk
{"title":"Aconite – a Poison, or a Medicine? Ancient and Early Byzantine Testimonies","authors":"Krzysztof Jagusiak, Konrad Tadajczyk","doi":"10.18778/2084-140x.12.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.24","url":null,"abstract":"Aconite (Aconitum napellus) was one of the most notorious, poisonous plants in the ancient world. Its dangerous, lethal power – present in leaves, roots, stem, and tuber – was well known to the Greeks and the Romans from the earliest times. Evidence of this phenomenon is not only present in archaeological findings, but also in many writings – biographies, poems, legal codes, etc.\u0000However, the most precise and detailed accounts come from treatises written by botanists, physicians and encyclopaedists, like Theophrastus, Nicander, Pliny the Elder, Dioscorides, or Galen, and by early Byzantine authors, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, and Paul of Aegina. In their testimonies, one can find descriptions of aconite, its influence on the human body (and animals), and remedies for affected people.\u0000In contrast, there are few passages from these sources that inform the readers about the healing properties of aconite. According to these fragments, carefully administered, aconite could be helpful in some therapies, but its use was extremely hazardous, as even a small part of the plant could kill a man.","PeriodicalId":41598,"journal":{"name":"SEARCH-Journal of the Southeast Asia Research Centre for Communications and Humanities","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88965976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
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