Journal of the Warburg Institute最新文献

{"title":"The Criminal-God","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750008","url":null,"abstract":"Among primitive men, it was one of the duties of a 'Divine King' to have himself killed for the benefit of his people. Happily for the king, this periodic sacrifice degenerated into a symbolic form. In order to spare the life of the sovereign and yet reap the benefit of the ritual, a criminal was substituted for the king and was both honoured and killed in his place. Frazer, in an argument of appealing simplicity, explains the substitution as an act of economyJ. But granting that the life of the king was saved by that act, how is it to be explained that the sacrifice continued to be considered effective ?2 To offer a criminal in the place of a divine king presupposes--in the minds of people who did not wish to forego the magical profit of the sacrifice--that the criminal, by virtue of his inherent powers, was acceptable as a true equivalent. The powers of which the criminal is possessed induce him to place himself apart from the rules of the group. He thus resembles the king who stands above them. The equation of king and criminal becomes intelligible if Superior Power is understood as a force which is neutral to the distinction between good and evil and thus qualifies the bearer as taboo.8 To particularise this power is a function of the ritual. The divine and kingly honours paid to the criminal before he is killed are necessary to ensure the validity of the substitution. This ritual, which in its original form was quite certainly a serious performance of imitational magic, degenerated into a mock ritual by being continued and repeated long after the criminal had ceased to be the substitute of a king and had become the mere victim of legal procedure. The connotation of a beneficial sacrifice had vanished, yet the killing retained the association of a feast. \"It is not so long ago,\" says Nietzsche in one of his most forceful attacks against the utilitarian explanation of punishment,' \"that princely weddings and great popular festivals were inconceivable without executions, tortures, or perhaps an Autodafi.\" In rejecting the view that legal punishment originated as an attempt at just retribution, he declares that in those powerful springs of human action which lie 'beyond good and evil' the desire to punish and the desire to hurt, which he calls \"man's most elementary pleasure of feasting,\" are indistinguishable. Nor will he admit that they ever quite separate even in the most\"'enlightened' states of jurisdiction: \"An der grossen Strafe ist so viel Festliches.\" Without this background of feast and ritual it would indeed be difficult to explain why the infliction of pain as a form of punishment should have been so very fanciful throughout the ages. The National Museum in Munich owns a whole collection of","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115744298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Josephus the Physician: A Mediæval Legend of the Destruction of Jerusalem","authors":"H. Lewy","doi":"10.2307/750007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750007","url":null,"abstract":"The origin of this curious story is obscure.3 There is no doubt that the Josephus mentioned is the historian of the Jewish War. Of his healing arts and Titus's gout, however, there is no mention in ancient literature. On the other hand, the same story is to be found in the so-called Historia miscella of Landolfus Sagax (about iooo),4 where it is set out in greater detail. Landolf based his chronicle upon the Roman History of the Lombard Paulus Diaconus which he enlarged by various supplements.6 One of these additions reads :","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115649060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Imaginary Journeys from Palestine to France","authors":"H. Lewy","doi":"10.2307/750012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750012","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126040652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"'Roc': An Eastern Prodigy in a Dutch Engraving","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750014","url":null,"abstract":"The great geographical discoveries stimulated not only scientific cartography but also the pictorial rendering of life and customs in remote countries. The origin of that new branch of illustrative art which finally links up with the modern 'picture-reportage' can be traced back to the fifteenth century when Gentile Bellini reliably depicted oriental people. In the sixteenth century innumerable illustrations of ethnographical interest were produced-referring mainly to peoples of the Old World. We only need recall the long series of 'Books of Costumes', the many illustrations of the life of the Turks, and journeys such as Herberstein's to Russia. Not before the seventeenth century, however, did the pictures illustrating the 'New World' gain some scientific value (e.g. in the works of the publisher de Bry). Among the latest works of the Italianised Dutch painter Johannes Stradanus (15231605) one finds a series of engravings which glorify the discoverers of the American continent : Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci and Fernao de Magellan.' Although this series is of no great artistic value, it attracts our attention because of its rich conglomeration of symbolical details. In each of the engravings the ship with the idealized figure of the hero is surrounded by a number of figures and animals which by their peculiar mixture of realistic, emblematical, and mythological features, are meant to illustrate the discoverer's special achievement. The Magellan engraving (P1. 33c), the only one which we shall attempt to analyse-shows, next to the boat, the hovering figure of Sol-Apollo. His appearance is explained by the inscription : Magellan by his journey round the earth was the first to emulate the sun. In the air Aeolus is enthroned, sending a favourable wind, a siren and strange fish illustrate remote seas, naked savages provide the ethnological touch. So far so good. But the artist meant more than that, as can be seen from the dramatic account by Antonio Pigafetta--one of Magellan's companions-of the conquest of the east-west passage in the south of the American continent. The geographical allusions of the engraving become intelligible by means of this text, which was evidently known to Stradanus through Ramusio's standard word, Delle Navigationi et Viaggi.2 The fires to the' left signify Fireland which lies to one's left coming from the Atlantic ; the giant to the right thrusting a spear into his own mouth is an inhabitant of Patagonia, and therefore indicates the northern shore of the Magellan Straits. Pigafetta narrates that they found Patagonia inhabited by a race of giants, and he gives some curious information about the drastic remedies employed by these savages : being indisposed they introduce a spear into their throat, a cure which has-as can be easily imagined-a quick success. It is evident that the artist intended to depict the most decisive moment of Magellan's journey : the appearance of the open Pacific at the western end of the Straits. Sol, wh","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127912168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The 'Romano-Campanian' Coinage: An Old Problem from a New Angle","authors":"H. Mattingly","doi":"10.2307/750005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750005","url":null,"abstract":"Since the days of the great Eckhel the idea of a 'Romano-Campanian' coinage has haunted successive generations of Roman numismatists like a ghost. It is possible in this case, as it seldom is, to trace the haunting to its source. As soon as it was realized that the early traditions of Rome about her coinage were mainly unreliable, it became necessary to call in the aid of history to supply the missing truth. It was not without good reason that scholars turned their eyes towards the Greek cities of Campania and the Roman advance in that land in the last decades of the fourth century B.c. Then, if not earlier, it was thought, vigorous contact with the Greek world must have introduced Rome to the Greek art of coinage. Rome of the Tarquins had doubtless laid some claim to culture ; but even Etruria herself had hardly had coins at so early a date. Rome of the early Republic had soon lost contact with Greek civilization, partly through her own failing grip, partly with the weakening of that civilization itself in Italy. We can understand, then, how, during a 'Dark Age' of a century and a half, Rome lagged behind the standards of the Greek city. But the deficiency must have been realized the moment that active contact with Greece was renewed, and the practical needs of campaigning and of commerce must have led to its being at once made good. The result of all this has been that the whole of the early Roman coinage, prior to the denarius, so far as it was struck in silver or token Aes, has been sundered, more or less completely, from the main Roman series. It has been assigned to Greek mints, in or about Campania, and classed as something special-not purely Roman-money struck by Roman generals in the field, or even money struck by Italian communities in the Roman name. Mommsen, it is only fair to admit, did realize the essential fact, that coinage in the Roman name must be coinage of Rome. Haeberlin actually made it his lifetask to rationalize the old conceptions of the 'Romano-Campanian' coinage, by explaining its place in the Roman conquest of Italy. But to Mommsen and even to Haeberlin some shreds of the old illusions till clung-the tendency to assume the date and place (Campania circa 340 B.C.) as certain, and to make some difference in kind between this and the later coinage of Rome. Recent research on early Roman coinagel has tended to reveal positive evidences of a very different development, which leaves no room for a 'Romano-Campanian' coinage in the old sense. But the old theory, partly by its inherent persuasiveness, partly by the sheer inertia of long habit, is slow to yield. It may still be worth while, then, to submit it to a test, which promises uch decisive results that it should obviously have been applied long ago. If Roman silver coinage grew up, as the theory demands, at a definite time and place, and under definitely local influences, we have only to set it beside the coinage of the appropriate date and place to prove or disprove the","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"333 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123239878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Portrait of Constance of Sicily","authors":"S. Steinberg","doi":"10.2307/750011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750011","url":null,"abstract":"to Henry VI, son and successor of Frederick Barbarossa. When in I i89 her nephew, William II, died, the kingdom of Sicily came to Constance, as to the last surviving legitimate descendant of the Hauteville dynasty. Though, in fact, Sicily came under the direct rule of her German husband, Constance considered herself, and was considered by the majority of the Sicilians the real sovereign. She was even suspected of encouraging rebellious movements against her husband. In 1191 Constance spent several months at Salerno, while Henry VI besieged Naples, which was in revolt. After his return to Germany, however, the mob of Salerno attacked her palace and the Empress was eventually brought a prisoner to Sicily. Henry soon had her released and in I194 took a cruel vengeance on the treacherous citizens of Salerno. On the","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129849561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Utopian Ruins","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750017","url":null,"abstract":"in the reports of the travellers must be sought in the mediaeval romances about antiquity; a fact which reflects the importance attached to them as encyclopaedias and authoritative books of information. With increasing knowledge of geographical realities there developed a tendency to locate the monsters and fabulous creatures which populate the imaginary kingdoms of ancient and mediaeval descriptions of the world, in ever more distant corners of the earth. Fabulous creatures such as the kynocephali, the monoculi, or the pygmies, -the tradition of which is closely linked with that of the Amazons, are still to be found on geographical maps of the sixteenth century, but, alas ! they have been driven to the South Polar regions ! ALBRECrr ROSENTHAL","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1938-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125503471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Italian Teachers in Elizabethan England","authors":"F. Yates","doi":"10.2307/750049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750049","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127835440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Christian Democritus","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750059","url":null,"abstract":"torien (Leipzig, 1700), and written by Johann Kuhnau, Bach's predecessor as Kantor at St. Thomas' Church in Leipzig. The title of the sonata is: \" Saul malinconico e trastullato per mezzo della Musica.\" The first movement introduces the melancholic and distracted king by means of a sombre minor key, chromatic developments, violent changes of time, and a fugue with unusual intervals in the theme. Heraclitus and Democritus appear again, though not under their proper names, in a much discussed and famous sonata by Carl Philipp Emmanuel Bach, second son ofJohann Sebastian. The question of programme music greatly occupied the northern German circle of eighteenth-century wits. They connected it with Galenus' theory of the temperaments, which at that time began to be rediscussed by aestheticians. Ph. Em. Bach appeared to be the right man to give effect to such ideas, for his instrumental music was observed to be directed towards and capable of producing \" sounds of sadness, of affliction, of pain, or of tenderness, or of pleasure and merriment in monologues; or of maintaining by mere passionate sounds a sentimental conversation between similar or opposed characters \" (J. G. Sulzer, Allgemeine Theorie der schonen Kiinste, 1774, Vol. II, p. Io94). Under the influence of such ideas Bach wrote in 1749 a descriptive sonata for two violins and double bass, which is meant to represent \" a conversation of a sanguine with a melancholy person.\" He published it in 1751 as the first of\" Two Trios \" at Nuremberg, and added to it a detailed programme. It is among the most witty and brilliant pieces ever written. Bach goes far beyond Carissimi, for he includes in his contrasts not only the major and the minor keys, but also tempi and phrases.1 Bach himselfwas sceptical about the value of his experiment. In a conversation with the poet Matthias Claudius (1768), who had asked him why he did not compose any more of those \" Pi&een, darin Charaktere ausgedriickt sind \" and which the poet praised for their attractive originality, Bach replied that \" words would be the shorter way.\" There is a tradition that Joseph Haydn who, according to his own confession, owes so much to Ph. Em. Bach, represented \" characters \" in his symphonies--only that Haydn was too musical and tactful to reveal his secret intentions. After him, Beethoven, in the finale of his string quartet Op. I8, No. 6, tried to represent the changing moods of a person afflicted with melancholia (\" La Malinconia \"):-it was not one of his most inspired inventions. ALFRED EINSTEIN","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127157746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A Scene from the Hypnero-Tomachia in a Painting by Garofalo","authors":"F. Saxl","doi":"10.2307/750055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750055","url":null,"abstract":"The repetition of this curious rhymed couplet (but without the initials) immediately places this MS. together with the preceding one in a class apart. We shall see that the texts are also closely related. The contents also differ from Class A : there is Machiavelli's dedication, followed by the text, but no table of chapters. As this is a carefully prepared copy, the omission seems due not to haste or oversight, but to the fact that there was no table of chapters in the MS. which the writer had before him. There is none (at least, none now) in the preceding MS. Also, deletions and corrections of BI, which as we have seen are very frequent, have been incorporated in B2. This seems to bring the two MSS. very close together: in fact, it looks very much as if Bi were the rough draft and B2 a fair copy (of course, there may have been intermediate copies). I have not the space here to give many instances of this ; there is a very instructive passage in chapter xxiii of the Prince, where BI (fol. 54) has undergone considerable revision and intricate correction, and B2 (fol. 91) follows all corrections faithfully, but it is too long to quote. I must content myself with a correction in chapter xxv, consisting of the phrase \" beionde their coniecture \" (BI, viz. Harl. 364, fol. 56, line ioi). The word \" coniecture \" literally translates \"coniettura \" of the Italian original: Wolfe's edition, fol. 43, \"di fuori d'ogni humana coniettura,\" although the rest of the phrase is differently rendered. But the reviser of BI, whoever he was, did not like the word \" coniecture,\" deleted it, and wrote above it instead \"expectation.\" MS. B2 has consequently \" beyond their expectation \" (fol. 95). How does this passage compare with the text of Group A? It so happens that A MSS. give the word \" coniecture,\" which agrees with the first choice of BI and the Italian original ; but the rest of the sentence follows the Italian more closely : \" quite beyond the compasse of all humaine coniecture\" (Harl. 6795, or A2, fol. 54). In fact, the text of Group A rather differs from that of Group B. To sum up: the five MSS. fall into two groups, the second of which includes two MSS. which are closely related to each other but which differ from the other three. Several questions suggest themselves : what is the extent of the difference between A and B ? are they two different translations, or merely variants? Also, what is the connection of the three MSS. of Group A to each other ? What was the Italian text used by the translator, or translators ? I hope to attempt a reply to some of these questions in a forthcoming book.' Meanwhile one thing seems certain: there is no connection between these MSS. and Dacres' later translation, which is an entirely independent effort. I do not think that Dacres was aware of any previous English translation.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132851707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}