{"title":"Elizabethan Manuscript Translations of Machiavelli's Prince","authors":"N. Orsini","doi":"10.2307/750054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750054","url":null,"abstract":"political or historical subjects for his dialogues -as his brother had done ten years earlier1 -but rather should concentrate on religious, philosophical, and scientific questions. However, this, dialogue chiefly deserves our attention by reason of the choice of Machiavelli as one of its participants. This proves that Luigi Guicciardini, although he, like most of his contemporaries, saw mainly the paradoxical and contradictory features in Machiavelli's theories, nevertheless was aware of something more behind this mask of foolery. Thus it appears that the living Machiavelli already cast on men that enigmatic spell of which the full force has been revealed only by time.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129305164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democritus and Heraclitus: A Duet in Major and Minor","authors":"A. Einstein","doi":"10.2307/750057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750057","url":null,"abstract":"was the first to choose \" Superanda omnis Fortuna\" as his device.' Macchiavelli and his friends had intended to solve the divergences between Virtue and Fortune through the aggressive forteza by which man would master Fortune.2 Leo X tried to reconcile chance and virtue by turning this aggressive power into the passive forteza, i.e., Patientia.s This Christian virtue, in the view of Pierio Valeriano, enabled him to seize his opportunity and to become the Christian ruler of the world.' Nothing is more apt to illustrate the spiritual changes at the beginning of the Counter-reformation than the acceptance of this passive religious emblem by a worldly prince like Ercole II.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126986268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Saint as Monster","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750061","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"130 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134157088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Verrio's 'Terribilità'","authors":"Edgar Wind","doi":"10.2307/750063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750063","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114578304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In Defence of Composite Portraits","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750051","url":null,"abstract":"It seems natural for a modern spectator to laugh when he sees portraits in the style of Louis XIV, in which men continue to wear their perukes and moustaches while posing as Apollo, Endymion, or Hercules. The ladies appearing as ancient goddesses-Diana, Juno, Thetis, or Hebemight have more chance of escaping unridiculed if the fur of the huntress or the crescent of the moon better suited their build or complexion. Alas ! too many resemble the painting by Largillibre in which a classical nymph couched near the banks of a river exhibits the colossal features of Charlotte von der Pfalz (P1. I6d). Laughter at seeing the unexpected is a danger-signal to the weak spectator. Young anthropologists are said to have laughed when they first saw the Pueblo Indians performing the dance of the antilopes.1 It struck them as funny that men should studiously imitate the appearance and behaviour of hopping quadrupeds. Once the meaning of the ritual was understood there was little room for laughter. Primitive men, being genuinely humble, believe that animals are superior to themselves. They also believe that, by taking the shape of superior beings, men can acquire their powers, and that these beneficial gifts can be preserved and transmitted by the force of imitation. From animal worship to hero worship the distance is not very far ; nor is the ritual very different. The Roman Emperor Commodus had his portrait sculptured with lifelike accuracy, yet he surrounded his head with the skin of a lion and held a heavy club in his hand (P1. I6a). Being thus vested with the emblems of Hercules, he presented himself as possessed of his virtues, and the honours due to the ancient demi-god were transferred to the emperor in whom he was embodied.2 Such a ritual will survive with the force of an atavism. From the ceremonies attached to the Roman emperor cult, it will descend to the court rmasques of the modern dynasts. The Virgin Queen will assume the role of Diana, and the Roi Soleil will invest himself with the symbols of Phoebus Apollo. The days were past when one acquired superior power by transforming oneself into another being; yet transformation remained the method of expressing one's power through a visible sign. The gods of Olympus no","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121251141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rhetoric and Politics in Italian Humanism","authors":"Delio Cantimori, F. Yates","doi":"10.2307/750048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750048","url":null,"abstract":"The development of Italian humanism, from the close of the fourteenth, all through the fifteenth and up to the middle of the sixteenth century, ran parallel to a process of political transformation which affected the public life and civil organization of the Italian States. The last flashes of the life of the communes gave place to the signories, and these in turn were superseded by the political, social, and spiritual subjection to Spain which marked the consolidation and end of the principalities.' The humanists, in the character of political theorists searching for the ideal state and the perfect ruler, of jurists, historians, panegyrists, or orators pleading for one side or another, often turned their attention to contemporary events which they praised, condemned, observed, and interpreted. This political preoccupation of humanists culminates in the work of Machiavelli and Guicciardini who, however, by their very greatness and the precision of their thought, rise superior to the humanism in which they are rooted. If the Machiavellian conception of the autonomy of politics goes beyond the motives which are generally called \" humanist,\" and if Machiavelli's moral seriousness might oblige us to place him almost in opposition to the world of the letterati and pedanti who cultivated the beautiful form,2 it is impossible to separate from the humanist tradition the Florentine secretary's aspiration towards Italian unity and national renewal by means of a return to Roman civil virtue ; again, his pragmatic conception of political life and of history no less than his distinction between \" Virtue \" and \" Fortune \" are of purely humanist type.3 The same is true of Guicciardini whose impulses as a historian, and whose ideas on political life, are deeply rooted in the Florentine humanists' preoccupation with the grand and the sublime in human passions.4 Until recently the attention of historians has been so fixed upon Machiavelli and Guicciardini that they have neglected the political thought of the lesser humanists, relegating all their eloquent imaginings, their learned constructions, their impassioned pleadings to that world of useless, if highsounding, words, of abstract affirmation and unpractical idealism, which goes under the name of \" rhetoric.\" They dismissed as rhetorical the stoic","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"190 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114189676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Patience and Chance: The Story of a Political Emblem","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750056","url":null,"abstract":"mingled with allegorical elements, with picturesque bucolic details, and with the expressive gestures of Dionysiac ritual. They give the scene the glamour of a pagan death ritual-a character at once animated and sad. Turning now to Garofalo's picture, we are faced with a rather disquieting situation. Garofalo has copied the woodcut literally. He even illustrates the text of the Hypnerotomachia more faithfully than did the designer of the woodcut. His shepherd has the girdle of uite nigra, cum le foglie sue, as the text prescribes it. He is wearing, again in exact accordance with the text, an animal's hide with the hair turned inside, and the child's body is twisted to indicate the dance movement. The satyr is characterised by two small horns, etc. Because of this precise rendering of the text, our original question-whether there is any indication that a particular godhead was meant to be honoured by the sacrifice--can safely be answered in the negative. Following carefully the prescriptions of the Hypnerotomachia, Garofalo cannot have intended to represent a sacrifice to Ceres or any other deity. Yet he omitted the one element which is necessarily associated with the sacrifice in the context of the novel-the inscription. If the altar is not regarded as a tombstone, the original content of the representation becomes incomprehensible. What, then, was Garofalo's intention ? As the elements of the painting are essentially the same as those of the woodcut there still remains the possibility that it may have served to commemorate the death of a beloved woman. Garofalo might have been asked by his patron to paint such a picture from the woodcut in the Hypnerotomachia, and the initiated beholder imagined the name of a Ferrarese lady on the altar front. Against this assumption there is, however, a decisive objection. The text says that the woman with the torch is in tears. In the woodcut there is no indication of this. But Garofalo, who thought it necessary to add such details as the horns of the satyr and the belt of the shepherd, has omitted it too, and has transformed the sarcophagus into an ordinary altar. If his picture was intended as a commemorative monument, would he have done so ? His omissions and alterations rather suggest that he wanted this sacrifice not to be understood as an","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123393841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Physiognomical Experiments by Michelangelo and His Pupils","authors":"R. Wittkower","doi":"10.2307/750062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750062","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122963891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Melancholicus in Instrumental Music","authors":"A. Einstein","doi":"10.2307/750058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750058","url":null,"abstract":"The new feature of Carissimi's piece was the humorous juxtaposition of the two ancient philosophers. But Benigni's poem as poesia musicale had its antecedents. On July 8th, 1483, Niccol6 di Correggio sent Isabella of Mantua a chapter in dialogue : \" il capitulo 6 una egloga pastorale, dove Mopso et Dafni pastori parlano insieme. Mopso si duole di la fortuna, Dafni se ne gloria. El senso alegoricho lo dir6 a bocha alla Ex.V. como li parlo\" (Stef. Davari, La musica a Mantova, Riv. stor. mantovana, Vol. I, 1885, p. 53 ss.). This is a theme very similar to Carissimi's, the chief difference being that music written about 1500 was not yet able to express these contrasts, even though the poem was undoubtedly meant to be put to music by one of the two favourite composers of the Mantuan circle : Tromboncino or Cara. It is interesting that Niccol6 should explicitly point to the allegorical meaning of his eclogue. Perhaps the so-called secret of Giorgione, of his Venetian contemporaries and pupils, may also be found in the eclogues of this period.1 To express the contrast of passions remains a pre-eminent aim of musicians throughout the sixteenth century. It would lead too far to define the extent to which they employed the strange conventional symbolism of the mediaeval church modes; an allusion to the gay or gloomy mood can, for the time being, only be expressed by illustrating single words by means of \" lines \" or \" chords,\" or high or low notes, or by the timbre of the voice. Vincenzo Galilei, in his \" Dialogo . . . della musica antica e della moderna \" (1581), had ridiculed the alleged incapacity of polyphonic music to express unambiguously a sad or happy emotion (p. 77). A person who laments, he says, never leaves the high pitch (p. 84), one who is sad seldom deviates from the low one; modern musicians, however, confuse everything. Galilei rejects not only polyphonic composition but also the whole aesthetics of imitation propounded by the musicians of his time. He refers them to the example of the Ancients (p. 90) : \"Nel cantare I'antico Musico qual si voglia Poema, essaminava prima diligentissimamente la qualith della persona che parlava, 1'etA, il sesso, con chi, & quello che per tal mezzo cercava operare ; i quali concetti vestiti prima dal poeta di scelte parole A bisogno tale opportune, gli esprimeva poscia il Musico in quel Tuono, con quelli accenti, & gesti, con quella quantith, & qualiti di suono, & con quel rithmo che conveniva in quell' attione A tal personaggio . . . tutte le volte, che il Musico . . . non ha faculth di piegare gli animi degli uditori dove ben li viene, nulla & vana e da reputare la sua scienza & sapere.","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123197403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Albrecht von Brandenburg as St. Erasmus","authors":"E. Wind","doi":"10.2307/750052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/750052","url":null,"abstract":"And there is consolation, even for archaeologists. No truth of theirs can be quite so deadening as not to reveal or provoke some freak of the imagination. It is not so very long ago that they shocked the world and themselves by discovering that Greek sculpture was coloured ; whereupon one of them is reported to have said : \" I am afraid it is true, but I hate to think of it.\" The words, translated into the proper jargon, might have come from a great classical actor of the grandiloquent style who had been told that Julius Caesar was clean-shaven and bald. These conceits of our imagination are signs of both our frailty and our strength. Viewed sub specie aternitatis, they may seem to make men behave like fools, yet it is they who, sub specie temporis, keep gods and heroes alive.'","PeriodicalId":410128,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Warburg Institute","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1937-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128694040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}