Porta Aurea最新文献

{"title":"Polskie międzywojenne poradnictwo w zakresie wnętrz mieszkalnych jako obszar relacji niemiecko‑polskich","authors":"Piotr Korduba","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.18","url":null,"abstract":"During the interwar period, Polish interior design consulting stimulated our national achievements; however, it did not happen in isolation from foreign trends. One of the most distinct influences were the accomplishments of German residential culture. The previous German influence had been coloured by negative associations: with the period under German occupation on the one hand, and with the outdated apartment functions and aesthetics based on the residential culture of the late 19th century and its neo-style furnishings on the other. Yet as early as in the late 1920s, a completely different German horizon began to appear, gaining popularity in the 1930s. Ever since then German interior design and furnishing achievements became synonymous with rationality, functionality, and even, broadly speaking, general modernity. It is therefore difficult to present an unambiguous diagnosis of the German-Polish relationship relating to habitation during the interwar period. On the one hand it was difficult to escape the tensions generated by political and national prejudices, and on the other, to evade the neighbouring German cultural achievements and their real and positive impact on many Polish accomplishments, especially in the realms of architecture and habitation. One may say that the emotional antagonism which could be seen during the 1920s faded with time and was displaced, at least among experts, by an awareness of the nearby existence of successful models which, thanks to specialist literature and books, along with visiting fairs and exhibitions, were well known and appreciated.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124309685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"„Król się ślini na myśl o Gdańsku…” – cztery odsłony walki o symbole między miastem a władzą zwierzchnią z zamkiem krzyżackim w tle","authors":"Tomasz Torbus","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.12","url":null,"abstract":"I draw the historical background with the question of how the city has for centuries been communicating with visual signs with its so different external sovereigns. After general remarks, I focus on the ruler’s relationship with the city during the Teutonic Knights’ era, as the example serving the Teutonic castle in Gdansk, from the beginning of its construction to the story of its demolition. \u0000The Teutonic castle was built, according to the message of Wigand of Marburg, during the time of Grand Master Dietrich von Altenburg around 1340. Unlike the dating, its form disappears in the darkness of history. Archaeologists have proven the existence of a castle complex consisting of the main castle and two baileys on the site of the former castle of the Pomeranian dynasty of Samborids. The convent house: a square with sides of about 53 m, had four residential wings grouped around the courtyard, three towers at the corners, and a high guard tower. \u0000The article then deals with the castle as a kind of a protagonist of the drama in the war for symbols, developing in four scenes. The first took place after the Battle of Grunwald in 1410, when the town paid homage to Polish King Władysław Jagiello, but in the autumn of 1410 it returned to the rule of the Teutonic Order. In the following months, the city authorities reacted negatively to the attempt of the Grand Master Henry von Plauen to raise taxes. Mayors and members of the City Council: Konrad Letzkau, Arnold Hecht, and Bartholomew (Bartholomäus) Gross, were invited to the Teutonic Knights’ Castle in spring 1411 under the pretext of negotiations, and there they were murdered in unclear circumstances. The town responded by burying both mayors, and probably Gross as well, in the ambulatory of St Mary’s Church, (possibly) in St Hedwig’s Chapel belonging to the Letzkau family. The tombstone (nowadays destructed after the fire of 1734), which preserved anti–Teutonic sentiments, became an attraction for visitors, and was excluded from the normal burial practice of St Mary’s Church in the early modern times. \u0000Another part of our dispute occurred in 1453, when the Gdansk delegates complained at the Reich’s conciliatory assembly in Vienna about the Gdansk Commander forbidding to continue the construction of the tower of St John’s Church. On this basis, Olaf Asendorf constructed a theory on the general prohibition of building high towers in the Teutonic state, the so-called turmverbote. However, we have no proof that such a ban existed in any form, and apart from two other messages from Elbląg and Kaliningrad, former Königsberg, we cannot trace this kind of regulation in the written sources. On the other hand, none of the towers dominating the panorama of Gdansk was built before 1457. It was only after the transition to Polish sovereignty that the construction of the towers of St John’s Church, St Catherine’s Church, St Mary’s Church, and the Town Hall tower continued. The case from 1453 fits the hypothesis of figh","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127839408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Space and Beholder in Nineteenth‑Century Sacred Architecture","authors":"W. Bałus","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.11","url":null,"abstract":"Na idealne doświadczanie gotyckiej i neogotyckiej świątyni w XIX w. składają się dwa różne elementy. Z jednej strony wymagało ono fizycznego ruchu po wnętrzu kościoła (doświadczenie kinestetyczne), a z drugiej – niemal całkowitego pozbycia się ciała, aby człowiek wchodzący do świątyni mógł się duchowo wznieść do niebios (doświadczenie „ekstatyczne”). Ruch fizyczny oraz zmysłowe doświadczanie służyły przede wszystkim rozszyfrowaniu symbolizmu tkwiącego w przestrzennej strukturze kościoła, jego architekturze, dekoracji i wyposażeniu jako chrześcijańskiej drogi życia (chrzcielnica – początek życia, nawa główna – ziemia, Ecclesia militans, chór – niebo, Ecclesia triumphans). „Wzloty”, choć rozpoczynały się od kinestezji i efektów odbieranych w ciele, miały się sublimować w czysto duchowe doświadczenie – na granicy wręcz całkowitego wyswobodzenia się z ciała, ponieważ rodziły się na skutek pionowego ukierunkowania wręcz eterycznych wnętrz przenikniętych światłem, w których faktyczny układ przestrzenny w tym momencie nie miał znaczenia. Pierwszy zatem z tych elementów łączył doświadczenie z konkretną przestrzenią architektoniczną, podczas gdy drugi – pozbawiając budowle ich materialności oraz wyraźnie wydzielonych przestrzeni, przekształcał je w metaforyczne wstępowanie na niebiosa. Obie formy odbioru świątyni opierały się na wierze w „chrześcijańską rzeczywistość”. Ten szczególny typ rzeczywistości wymagał nie tylko wiedzy na temat zasad symbolizmu, lecz także metafor, które wynikały z odkrywania w architekturze odniesień do tego, co stanowi nadprzyrodzoną niebiańską rzeczywistość. Właśnie dzięki symbolice świątynia mogła być postrzegana jako „chrześcijańska droga życia”, a dzięki włączeniu pierwiastka zakorzenionego w religijności – być doświadczana jako „alegoria życia mistycznego” czy „petryfikacja naszej religii” – „rodzaj kościoła duchowego”, jak to nazwał w swoim sonecie Wordsworth.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120923650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"O niebezpiecznych związkach sztuki i polityki na przykładzie „żywotów równoległych” Michaela Willmanna i Philipa Bentuma","authors":"Beata Lejman","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.05","url":null,"abstract":"Michael Lucas Leopold Willmann (1630–1706) was born in Königsberg (now Kalinin grad in Russia), where his first teacher was Christian Peter, a well -off guild painter. After years of journeys of apprenticeship and learning in the Netherlands, the young artist returned to his homeland, after Matthias Czwiczek’s death in 1654 probably hoping for the position of the painter at the court of Great Elector Frederick William (1620–1688).What served to draw the ruler’s attention to himself was probably the lost painting, described by Johann Joachim von Sandrart as follows: ‘the Vulcan with his cyclops makes armour for Mars and a shield and a spear for Minerva’. The failure of these efforts led the future ‘Apelles’ to emigrate to Silesia, where he created a family painting workshop in Lubiąż (Leubus), and following the conversion from Calvinism to Catholicism, he became a Cistercian painter, creating famous works of art in religious or secular centres of Crown Bohemia. What connects him to Prussia is another painting of great importance in his career, the little -known ‘Apotheosis of the Great Elector as a Guardian of Arts’ from 1682. \u0000The successor to Great Elector Frederick III (1657–1713) was crowned in 1701 as the ‘king of Prussia’. The ceremony required an appropriate artistic setting, which prompted many artists to flock to Königsberg, including a Dutchman from Leiden, the painter Justus Bentum, a pupil of Gottfred Schalken, who reached the capital of the new kingdom together with his son Philip Christian. After studying from his father, Philip Christian Bentum (ok. 1690 – po 1757) followed in the footsteps of the famous Willmann, and went on a journey, from which he never returned to Prussia. He went first to imperial Prague, where he collaborated with Peter Brandl and converted to Catholicism, following which he travelled to Silesia. After 1731, he took part in the artistic projects of Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg of Wrocław (Breslau) and Abbot Constantin Beyer, who completed the project begun by Freiberger and Willmann: the extension and decoration of the Cistercian Abbey in Lubiąż. It was there that he made the largest in Europe canvas -painted oil plafond of the Prince’s Hall and completed his opus magnum: covering all the library walls and vaults with painting. Those pro -Habsburg works were finished two years before the death of Emperor Charles VI (1685–1740) and the military invasion of Silesia by Frederick II Hohenzollern (1712–1786), great - -grandson of the Great Elector. \u0000The fate of the artists mentioned in the title was intertwined with Königsberg and Lubiąż. Both converts set off for the professional maturity from the Prussian capital via Prague to Silesia. They can be compared by the Dutch sources of their art and a compilation method of creating images using print ‘prototypes’. Their inner discrepancy can be seen in the choice of these patterns, as they followed both the Catholic Rubens and the Protestant Rembrandt Van Rijn","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126037131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kręte ścieżki feminizmu","authors":"Anda Rottenberg","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.10","url":null,"abstract":"The world feminism started in the USA with the women’s struggle for a better pay and working conditions. Transplanted to Europe, and subsequently to the Soviet Union by the communist Clara Zetkin, it promptly died out there, since Soviet women had been made equal with men as for their duties. From then on for numerous decades the aspirations of women, including female artists in Western societies, proved incompatible with the expectations of women within the ‘Eastern Bloc’. This gap was visible already during the role-assigning in WW II, as well as in the means of paying tribute to women’s heroism and their symbolic, or maybe allegoric functioning in social awareness, the latter shaped both by the propaganda and the media and art that came from men’s ateliers. In the post-WW II decades, until the late 1980s, the differences in the approach to goals and means between the conventionally-conceived West and East were still visible. This can be traced on the example of the oeuvre of Polish women artists and their activity in the decades following WW II. It was only after the transformation that Polish women artists-feminists joined in the international discourse, yet maintaining references to their domestic social and political realities, again different from the West, at the same time overcoming subsequent cultural taboos rooted in the collective hypocrisies.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130695039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pomnik i jego otoczenie. Przyczynek do dziejów budowy pomnika Adama Mickiewicza w Krakowie","authors":"Lechosław Lameński","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.16","url":null,"abstract":"Unveiled in 1898, the Adam Mickiewicz Monument in Cracow was the work of Teodor Rygier; meanwhile, it was Tadeusz Stryjeński who laid out its vicinity. The architect designed a whole made of three components, the main of them being a granite and porphyry ornamental belt that went in a circle round the base of the pedestal with symmetrically placed heraldic motifs of lilies and eight-pointed stars, these followed by twelve granite-hewn posts joined by chains forming a circle, and four decorative gas lampposts (candelabra) placed outside the belt. The monument and its surroundings survived intact until the outbreak of WW II. In 1940, the whole was destroyed by the Nazis. The Monument was reconstructed following the end of the war, in 1955, however without its genuine vicinity; the latter, slightly modified, was restored only in 2007, during the yet subsequent reconstruction of the Main Market Square surface.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130955101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Niezrealizowane projekty odbudowy kościoła w Oruni autorstwa gdańskiego architekta miejskiego Carla Samuela Helda","authors":"Magdalena Staręga","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.13","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses widely unknown designs of the Evangelical church in the village of Orunia near Gdańsk from 1816–1819. The concepts preserved in the State Archive in Gdańsk contain as many as eight variants of the reconstruction of the meeting house destroyed during a siege in 1813. The author of these concepts was the contemporary city architect Carl Samuel Held. As a student of Carl Gotthard Langhans (1732–1808), one of the greatest Prussian architects of that time, Held consistently used classicist forms throughout his body of work. His first two designs for the reconstruction of the church in question were in line with the so-called revolutionary classicism. The following six neo-Gothic variants constituted a formal exception in his oeuvre. Moreover, the case of the Orunia church was the only time he ever attempted to design a sacral building. The clumsiness in the use of neo-Gothic forms, as well as the inability to fit into the assumed financial framework contributed to the rejection of Held’s designs. Eventually, the project by August von Gersdorff verified by the head of the Higher Construction Deputy Karl Friedrich Schinkel was the one that was implemented. The construction was completed in 1823. The forms used in the building exhibit inspiration drawn from the Teutonic castle in Malbork. The prime mover behind their use was the Oberpräsident of the Province of West Prussia Theodor von Schön, promoter of the restoration work at the castle. The church in Orunia is the first case of a building with neo-Gothic features in Gdańsk and its area, as well as the first construction with forms intentionally referring to the Malbork Castle, a landmark symbolizing the essence of Germanity.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115736095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Dwa kościoły. Budownictwo kultowe w międzywojennych Niemczech jako przestrzeń modernistycznych eksperymentów","authors":"R. Makała","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.17","url":null,"abstract":"The time between WW I and II was a period of intensive development of church architecture in Germany. In the new situation after the defeat in WW I on the wave of Christian renewal movements, the concept of the church as a building corresponding to its functions, as an object expressing the character of religion and the vision of a congregation as a community in modern society was re -formulated. The dynamically developing church architecture was an area of intense experiments (especially in the 1920s.), creating new forms, as well as devising new iconography by Rudolf Schwartz, Otto Bartning, or Dominikus Böhm. The paper draws attention to a certain community of the main antagonized Christian and Protestant denominations on the example of two buildings erected on the eastern periphery of the then Germany (from 1945 constituting the western part of Poland): the Catholic Church of St Anthony in Schneidemühl (now: Piła, Hans Herkommer, 1928–1930) and the Protestant Cross-Church in Stettin (now: Szczecin, Adolf Thesmacher, 1929–1931). The first was built in a small town as a representative seat of the Prelature, a branch of the Catholic Church in the Protestant region, near the then border with (revived again) Poland. The building is a continuation of an innovative and conservative concept realized by Herkommer at the Frauenfriedenskirche in Frankfurt am Main (1927–1929), and is a testimony to the search for forms expressing the rationalist aspirations for the renewal of the Catholic Church, however without abandoning the main principles of the Tradition. For this purpose, Herkommer applies ‘industrial’ forms used in the Bauhaus circle, creating a clearly avant-garde building: not only in the local context of a small border town of eastern Germany, but also in the Catholic tradition of sacred architecture. Hiring an avant-garde architect and using modernist forms was the decision of one man: Monsignor Maximilian Kaller, the leader of the Prelature. The Church of the Cross in Szczecin was raised in a luxurious district of a great Protestant city, so it was the parish church of the Protestant elite. Although built of brick and clearly referring to the tradition of the Gothic architecture of this region, the Church of the Cross also reveals its striving for the maximum reduction of forms and the use of the language of abstraction. When building a Protestant church, Thesmacher resorted to forms applied primarily in Catholic architecture, especially to the forms used by Herkommer. Thesmacher created a facility expressing attachment to the local tradition and manifesting the modernity of the Evangelical church in Pomerania. As a result, both churches are a testimony to functionalist aspirations, although, of course, the functions differed from those on which, for example, the founders of the Bauhaus were focused.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121577157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Martwa natura Philippa Sauerlanda i narodziny nowoczesnej podmiotowości","authors":"Jacek Kołtan, Anna Sobecka","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.04","url":null,"abstract":"The Allegory of Transience by Philipp Sauerland (Gdańsk 1677 – Wrocław 1762), an artist specializing in still life and animal painting, was purchased in 2015 by the National Museum in Gdańsk. The painting allows us to deepen our knowledge of Sauerland’s artistic roots, as well as the interpretation of the painting in the socio-cultural context of the development of Europe in the early 18th century. \u0000In the paper a thesis is put forward about the Leiden sources of Sauerland’s work, which are connected with the painting tradition of the so-called fijnschilders, especially the work of Willem van Mieris. In the first decade of the 18th century, Sauerland painted The Young Woman in the Kitchen Interior, surrounded by perfectly rendered victuals, showing a similar gesture as in the famous painting by Van Mieris The Mouse Trap. In the signed painting from a private collection in New York, Sauerland chose historical themes. He presented a rare scene of David Giving Uriah a Letter to Joab. The painting refers to two famous works by Pieter Lastmann, but it is placed in an architectural set design analogous to Van Mieris’s paintings. An important element of the Allegory of Transience, in turn, is the relief visible by sliding down a carpet. This motif is also taken from the work of Van Mieries, but the iconography of the sculptural representation refers to Gerard de Lairesse’s print showing Chronos prevented by Prudence from destroying the statues. Sauerland is therefore close to the artists from Leiden in terms of the choice of themes, motifs, and the way they are painted. He also usually used a similar format of paintings. Like Van Mieris, the artist from Gdańsk signed his works with longer inscriptions. Although references to the Leydians are obvious in Sauerland’s early works, he does not make copies of their works, but focusing on the still life genre, he transforms them in his own style. \u0000The second thesis of our essay is related to the transformation of vanitas motifs, which in Sauerland’s work reveal their secularized character. The traditional symbolism of transience, which draws on religion, is replaced by the ideas of rationalism, accompanied by the idea of reason that opens a possibility of overcoming sensual and emotional limitations. The work becomes an expression of emancipatory processes that take place at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries in European culture. Referring to the philosophical work of Baruch Spinoza (notion of knowledge), we interpret Sauerland’s work as an expression of the emerging modern ideal of freedom, which was based on a rationalistic paradigm. It is thanks to wisdom (sapientia) that the subject is able to transcend the reality of the sensual guise. \u0000In the last part of the text we point to the important role of practical wisdom (prudentia) and art (ars) in the process of liberalization that accompanied the social changes of the time. Using illusionism, Sauerland proposes an interpretative key to the viewer: the m","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"Volume 14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115408506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ikona św. Mitrofana z Woroneża w zbiorach Muzeum Tradycji Szlacheckiej w Waplewie","authors":"Maciej Kraiński, M. Kruk","doi":"10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26881/PORTA.2020.19.08","url":null,"abstract":"In the collection of the Museum of the Noble Tradition in Waplewo, a branch of the National Museum in Gdańsk, there is an icon of St Mitrofan (Russ. Митрофан; Greek Μητροφάνης), Bishop of Voronezh (1632–1703), of Russian provenance, a quite exotic work in the artistic landscape of Gdansk Pomerania. Images of Saint Mitrofan of Voronezh spread in the first half of the 19th century, undoubtedly in connection with his canonization in 1832. His connection with this event is indicated by the date of the goldsmith’s stamp ‘1835’ under the hallmark ‘НޞД’ (Nikolai Lukič Dubrovin, d. 1862), a Moscow sampling master active in 1822–1855. The contractor was ‘A T’ (Afanasij Tikhonov), a Moscow goldsmith active in 1820–1839. It was marked in Moscow (stamp of St George piercing the dragon), silver test: ‘84’. Mitrofan belonged to a group of monks devoted to a harsh life in isolation, ‘holy elders’ whose lives and instructions were to strengthen the faith of laymen and clergy through asceticism, prayer, fasting, and penance. The icon of St Mitrofan preserved in Waplewo is one of the unique and very early testimonies to the newly canonized monk depicted without a nimbus in the icon. The clergy costume indicates the highest third level of the life of the monk, so - -called the great schimnik, so in an extremely ascetic version, without any signs of episcopal dignity, in which even the cross hung on his neck was obscured by a gesture of his hands folded in prayer. From the information recorded on the back of the icon, corrected on the basis of the oral tradition, it follows that the icon had successively been in possession of the representatives (essentially women) of five generations of Polish families: Branicki, Potocki, and then Ogończyk -Sierakowski, the owners of the Waplewo residence from 1759 to 1933. However, the first owner of the icon seems to have been Aleksandra Wasiliewna Engelhardt (1754–1838), wife of Franciszek Ksawery Branicki (1730–1819), Hetman (Commander) of the Great Crown, and the alleged daughter of tsarina Catherine II, who probably gave it to her daughter Zofia.","PeriodicalId":408035,"journal":{"name":"Porta Aurea","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122994443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}