{"title":"Ordoliberal Foundations of European Economic Policy: Myths and Reality","authors":"Трубников Дмитрий Алексеевич","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-50-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-50-57","url":null,"abstract":"Received 20.09.2020. The theme of the role and place of ordoliberal views in contemporary European economic policy has attracted attention of many researchers. While some scholars raise their concerns about the ongoing ordoliberalization of Europe and criticize the ordoliberal foundations of the European Union, the others call for the restoration of the ordoliberal principles in economic policy and argue about the necessity of ordoliberal reforms. This article is focused on this discussion and aims to assess the various arguments that use the ordoliberal issue to justify their positions. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this discussion very often faces misinterpretations of the main outlook of the ordoliberal theory, what can be explained by the dominant role of Germany in the European political scene, complexity of the relationship between ordoliberalism and the social market economy model, as well as by political, economic and ideological motives. For ordoliberals, the main task for the state was to create and maintain a competitive order that will allow market forces to distribute the wealth according to merits and will result in what can be called achievement of social justice. Meanwhile, it has become apparent that European policymakers have noticeably eschewed the competitive order proposals, and modern arrangements of the European economy might be better characterized in terms of regulatory capitalism and managed competition. Moreover, it can be argued that the raising concentration of economic power makes the appeals for the return to the ordoliberal principles very reasonable. The Freiburg school ideas continue to be a real alternative not only to the neoclassical mainstream, but also to the socialist wishes to control and direct economic and social processes.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116759933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Peculiarities of the Party System of Slovakia in the Context of Parliamentary Electrical Cycles of 2016–2020","authors":"Yurii A. Ostapets, Anatoliy Yu. Klyuchkovych","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-81-91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-81-91","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the structural changes in the party system of the Slovak Republic, taking place in 2016– 2020 due to the strengthening of parties of anti-systemic populist orientation. The author researches the causes and factors of evolution of the party landscape in the EU countries towards institutionalisation of antisystem policy. The development of the Slovak party system reflects the key trends in the political development of the EU countries with the weakening position of the systemic party establishment and the strengthening role of populist parties. The complexity of the phenomenon of antisystemicism in modern conditions is emphasized, since mainstream parties, seeking electoral support, use the rhetoric of populist parties, and populist parties, haveing obtained parliamentary mandates, weaken their radicalism and start working in the mainstream format. As a result of the 2016 parliamentary elections, the breakdown of the “structural nucleus” of Slovakia’s party system took place, which for two decades had been the basis of its stability and predictability of development. The weakening influence of “traditional” (Christian-Democratic, Conservative, Social-Democratic) parties freed up electoral environment for “new” populist, anti-systemic, right-wing extremist forces. Electoral statistics demonstrates that the influence of mainstream parties weakens at the regional and local levels of Slovak politics. The results of the 2020 parliamentary elections demonstrate that the party system of Slovakia in the continuum between mainstream and populism comes even closer to the populist format. The electoral triumph of populists and their convergence with programmatic parties within the parliamentary-governmental coalition raises new challenges for Slovakia’s political system. Among the main reasons for the rise of populism in Slovakia are the following: disappointment of citizens with the activities of the ruling elites; mediation and personalisation of policy; denationalisation of politics and increasing importance of global governance structures at European and world levels; increasing populism in Slovakian election campaigns; low level of institutionalisation of political parties and the party system as a whole. Attention is drawn to the destructive tendencies in the development of the modern party system of Slovakia. The collapse of the “structural core” of the Slovak party system and the further pluralisation of parliamentary representation of parties do not contribute to the stability and predictability of parliamentary-governmental activity. Increased electoral influence and parliamentary representation of political subjects of populist, anti-systemic and right-wing extremist orientation cause political risks for the stable democratic development of the Slovak Republic.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128710987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prospects and Challenges to International Economic and Power Production Cooperation after the Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"A. Dynkin, Elena A. Telegina, G. Khalova","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-5-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-5-10","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the trends that hinder the development of international energy and economic cooperation in 2018–2020. These trends have been particularly exacerbated by the COVID‑19 pandemic and the resulting global economic and energy crisis. Falling demand for oil has affected the decline in world commodity prices. Competition between oil exporters has intensified amid falling demand. As a result, international energy cooperation mechanisms in the energy sector have come under serious pressure. The dynamics of relations between the world’s largest economic centers: China, the United States, the European Union, and the Eurasian space have become another aspect of the aggravation of imbalances and confrontational trends in the global economy. The strengthening of trade contradictions between the United States and China in 2018–2019 negatively affected global economic growth and the dynamics of major manufacturing indices. In turn, the events of 2020 clearly confirmed that the contradictions between China and the United States are of a deep structural nature. These contradictions exacerbate the polarization of the global economic system and cannot be overcome by concessions and agreements exclusively in the field of investment and trade. Against this background, the real effectiveness of measures taken in the EU to deal with the economic consequences of both the pandemic and Brexit is questionable, and can only be reliably assessed after a sufficiently long time. The authors show that in contrast to the situation in the EU, the EAEU has tendencies to further strengthen economic, political and energy cooperation. Despite the COVID‑19 pandemic, the global economic crisis and external challenges, the Eurasian Economic Union not only stands up to them, but also continues to actively work to unite the Union’s countries, as well as improve their energy and economic security. The authors offer their vision of further development of international economic and energy cooperation in the post-pandemic period, taking into account the positive trends in the development of the Eurasian space.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128992437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Social and Economic Problems of EC Countries in the Initial Pandemic Period","authors":"A. Egorov, A. Petrovskiy","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-52-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-52-59","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of key social and economic problems in the EU countries during the initial period of the pandemic. Forced isolation amid the spread of the coronavirus contributed to the growth of domestic and domestic violence, manifestations of racism and xenophobia in the EU. Social discrimination manifested itself in the restriction of access to goods and services for people with Asian appearance. A negative factor was the statements of certain right-wing politicians, as well as a number of media outlets. The member states of the European Union sought to carry out proactive communication with the population of their countries, convincing the latter to use exclusively official information about the situation with the COVID 19 virus and taking steps to ensure the widespread presence of the opinion of the governance in the media and on the Internet. Due to the extraordinary circumstances, EU member states have resumed controls at their internal borders in an effort to ensure the safety of their citizens. Despite assurances from the European Commission that the restrictions would not affect the interests of the EU population and third-country nationals, in March 2020, tangible obstacles arose in the way of realizing the fundamental right to free movement. The first steps were taken to support the sectors of the economy and the employment market in the initial phase of the pandemic. Particular attention was paid to the state of affairs in the most vulnerable service sector. The employment market experienced serious shocks, which was reflected in the growth of unemployment in the EU countries. The measures taken by the authorities of the member states, in general, met the interests of workers, but encountered difficulties in the course of implementation.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121707342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Saudi Arabia and Israel: the Palestinian Context","authors":"Косач Григорий","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-61-69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-61-69","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the issues related to the change in the Saudi Arabia’s policy towards Israel in the context of Riyadh’s approaches to solving the Palestinian problem. The author emphasizes that the positive dynamics taking place in the evolution of Saudi-Israeli interaction in recent years is determined by the intra-Saudi socio-economic and political transformation, including changes in public opinion regarding Israel, as well as significant shifts in the development of the Middle East regional situation, inter alia those proclaimed by the United Arab Emirates (as well as Bahrain) heading towards a settlement with Israel. At the same time, the emergence of a tendency to support the course towards normalizing relations with Israel in the context of the current Saudi internal political situation also marked a public demarcation in relation to initiatives to support the Crown Prince. If his supporters act, among other things, as supporters of normalization, then opponents see contacts with the Jewish state as “a betrayal of Arab national interests”. Noting that the current Saudi-Israeli rapprochement is largely determined by a joint interest in confronting Iran, the author, nevertheless, sees the most important reason for the continuing Saudi unwillingness to normalize relations with the Jewish state in the unresolved Palestinian problem on the basis of the “two states” principle. At the same time, the author believes that this principle itself is an instrument of Saudi foreign policy, thanks to which Riyadh seeks to exclude the possibility of Israeli hegemony in the future post-confrontational Middle East. This means, in particular, that the achievement of mutual understanding will become a reality only if the Israeli regional policy is adjusted so as not to pose a threat to Saudi interests.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121760054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pay Systems in Public Sector of OECD Countries","authors":"O. Bogachyova, O. Smorodinov","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-54-62","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-54-62","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with development of public sector pay systems in OECD countries. It is noted that reforms in this sphere began in the 1980s as part of the implementation of the broader concept of “New public management”, which was based on active introduction of market mechanisms and instruments in the activities of public sector organizations. The authors consider how the reforms affected changes in all elements of the pay systems – the basic and variable parts of payment, the tariff schedule, and the classification of jobs (positions). It is shown how transition from traditional unified tariff schedule of basic remuneration to a grade scale was connected with the shift of career model to position model, in which the key role was assigned to employee’s qualifications and performance. Further reform of pay systems has resulted in expansion of competence-related pay and further strengthening the role of grading as a tool for organizing pay in public sector. In this regard, the role of job classification, professional standards that allow to objectively assess the value of each type of activity (each position) for a specific organization and form an effective grading scale of basic pay has significantly increased. Reforms of pay systems in OECD countries have affected both basic, and variable parts of pay, as a result of which different pay systems can be applied not only within a single country, but also sometimes within a single organization. The article discusses the most common of these systems – performance-related pay, competence-, skill- and merit-based pay systems.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"285 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133109094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ultra-Right Terrorism in the West in the 21st Century: Trends and Features","authors":"A. Yashlavskii","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-5-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-5-14","url":null,"abstract":"An alarming trend observed in the 2010s was the growth of ultra-right terrorism in Western countries. Being a highly heterogeneous phenomenon, extreme right-wing extremism is fueled by crises of the socio-economic and spiritual order in Western societies. A feature of the development of this phenomenon in the last decade is the assertion by supporters of ultra-right extremist ideas about themselves as a “shield” protecting the West not only from the “invasion” of alien migrants, but also from the danger of Islamist terrorism. The reorientation of right-wing extremists towards “anti-jihadism” can be partly explained by the desire to arrange a “restyling” of the ultra-right movements in order to give them not only the appearance of greater moderation, but also in a sense to legitimize their attitudes as a force opposing Islamist terrorists. However, an analysis of the theory and practice of extreme right-wing terrorists demonstrates similarities with terrorism of the “jihadist” kind in many respects. Militant Islamists and far-right extremists alike deny tolerance, rely on violence, spread hatred and mistrust. Both those and other terrorists use a similar “hate speech”. In a sense, “jihadists” and ultra-right extremists are necessary for each other, because each side finds a different explanation and justification for its own crimes in actions. The crisis phenomena generated by the global pandemic of a new type of coronavirus in 2020 not only contributed to the activation of propaganda by supporters of ultra-right ideas, but created objective conditions for these ideas to resonate with some Westerners. Accordingly, this poses a severe threat of both expanding the social base of ultra-right movements and the implementation of new acts of violence.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126240568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}