World Economy and International Relations最新文献

{"title":"Spain’s Energy Security in the Context of the Algerian-Moroccan Conflict","authors":"E. Cherkasova","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-48-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-48-57","url":null,"abstract":"The energy crisis experienced by the European Union and representing a serious non-military threat to its security has not bypassed Spain. This is a country with a high degree of dependence on hydrocarbon imports. However, the energy crisis there has a number of specific features. It began in autumn 2021, when Algeria – the main supplier of gas to Spain – severed diplomatic relations with Morocco and closed the gas pipeline GME passing through its territory. In March 2022, yielding to the pressure of Rabat, Madrid changed its position on Western Sahara, de facto recognizing its belonging to Morocco. Since the start of the special military operation in Ukraine and before the acceptance of the Moroccan autonomy plan, everything indicated that Spain could play a key role in meeting the EU new energy security needs through its privileged relationship with Algeria. Having temporarily normalized its relations with Morocco, Spain missed the opportunity to become a European gas hub, ceding this role to Italy. Currently, the very structure of the Spanish energy sector is changing, and the country is going to close all operating nuclear power plants. Madrid is betting on diversifying energy supplies, the Algerian gas is being replaced by the American LNG. Russian gas supplies to Spain, previously not so significant, continue to decrease. The country is set to make a serious contribution to the energy transition since it has numerous renewable energy sources, technologies, production capacities and developed infrastructure. Events in Ukraine have accelerated the already existing energy crisis. As energy prices increased, Spain put forward the initiative for the European Union to approve emergency measures to deal with it. The solution, according to Madrid, is the acceleration of the energy transition. Brussels has actually allowed Spain to set top prices for gas that is used to generate electricity, thus lowering the bills for customers. Within the EU framework Madrid has achieved recognition of the special energy status of the Iberian Peninsula, and together with France and Portugal intends to build a new gas pipeline that will supply Europe with green hydrogen and, in the transition period, with natural gas. In general, Spain, although not without difficulties, is rather successfully coping with the current energy crisis.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135361160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Management of R&D in OECD Countries: Experience in Results’ Monitoring","authors":"O. Bogacheva, O. Smorodinov","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-58-67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-58-67","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the issues related to the monitoring of R&D projects supported by the public funds. In accordance with the current legislation, monitoring of scientific, technical and innovation projects is carried out within the framework of the structural elements of state programs. To conduct monitoring, results, control points and objects of scientific and technical activities should be established. At the same time, however, within the framework of the three forms of financial support for the implementation of R&D projects – grant financing, subsidies for the implementation of public assignments, public procurement – different monitoring methods and procedures are applied. Further, the names of the control points are not linked to the results of projects in terms of technology readiness levels (TRL). Finally, information systems that support the monitoring and evaluation of R&D results are not fully compatible with each other. As a result, the overall effectiveness of monitoring decreases, which leads to delays in making managerial decisions and entails wasteful spending of budget funds. In the leading OECD countries, there is a practice of centralized methodological support of the implementation of R&D and innovation, which provides an unified approach to management of such projects and conjugation of state support at all stages of innovation cycle. Successful project management involves application of such specific management tools as the stage gates model and TRL methodology, which provide effective monitoring of results and flexibility in making management decisions, including the possibility of adjusting the basic parameters of projects at different stages of their implementation. The experience of foreign countries shows that in order to improve the quality and effectiveness of monitoring of R&D projects in Russia, it is necessary to ensure the harmonization of general and sectoral legislation governing the monitoring of the results of research, development and innovation projects, which will ensure the formation of a unified approach within the framework of project management of state programs. It is advisable to extend the rules for monitoring the results of R&D adopted in the system of grant financial support to the systems of public assignment and public procurement in this area of activity, creating conditions for the conjugation of various forms of public support. Finally, it is necessary to improve operation of the existing state information resources for the management of scientific, technical and innovation projects.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135361157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Elections in Africa: Successes and Failures of Ethnic and Regional Electoral Consolidation","authors":"R. Turovskiy, M. Sukhova","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-10-108-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-10-108-119","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of elite coalition strategies on the ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate in African countries. Ethnic voting has traditionally been seen as a key factor in African elections, but recent research shows that other determinants also play a significant role. Moreover, it is clear that the strength of ethnic voting varies considerably from country to country, and various explanations have been offered, ranging from the features of the historical path to the structure of ethnic splits and the sizes of the ethnic groups in question. We suggest that the strength of ethnic voting can vary not only between countries, but also between different electoral cycles in the same country. The reason for this is the choice of strategy by political actors: we assume that when a coalition strategy is chosen, the role of ethnic cleavages will decrease, and the territorial homogeneity of the vote will increase. This paper examines three cases similar in terms of democracy level, political system, British colonial past, and ethnic heterogeneity: Malawi, Nigeria and Ghana. In cases of Malawi and Nigeria, we observe how the choice or rejection of a coalition strategy by political actors can influence the increase or decrease of ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate. Ghana is an example of successful and stable consolidation achieved through the consistent application of coalition strategies. This article demonstrates that coalition strategies of elites can indeed influence ethno-regional consolidation of the electorate. In addition, the research reveals that voting is significantly influenced by some other non-ethnic factors related to economic voting (both retrospective and prospective), strategic voting of smaller ethnic groups, and distinctive kind of voting in national capitals.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135057612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"SCO and the Belt and Road Initiative – the Prospect of Double Insurance to Afghanistan","authors":"Wei SHI","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-90-98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-90-98","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the impact of the SCO and the Belt and Road Initiative on the stability and economic development of Afghanistan. The author substantiates the possibility that the SCO and the Belt and Road Initiative can complement each other for peace and development in Afghanistan. The SCO provides a safe sphere for the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative in Afghanistan, and the Belt and Road Initiative helps that the economy of Afghanistan will become part of the regional economy. The complexity of this problem is noted due to the fact that the positions of the SCO member states with regard to Afghanistan differ significantly, the Organization makes decisions solely by consensus, and the situation in Afghanistan is unstable. The author points out that these difficulties can be overcome, since the SCO member states are obliged to resolve disputes among themselves only peacefully, the projects developed by the SCO could potentially be planned by groups of interested participants on the principle of multilateralism a la carte, as Russian experts have already suggested, and increasing the interest of the SCO countries bordering Afghanistan in implementing economic projects related to This country will contribute to strengthening stability in Afghanistan and in the region as a whole. The integration of the SCO’s activities with the Belt and Road initiative will require minimizing threats that may emanate from the territory of Afghanistan to neighboring countries, ensuring the security of infrastructure and other facilities created on the territory of Afghanistan with external participation, as well as creative development of organizational and legal mechanisms of the SCO’s activities.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135360915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Evolution and Prospects of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan Scalene Triangle","authors":"A. Vernigora, G. Makarevich","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-79-89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-79-89","url":null,"abstract":"The article concentrates on historic prerequisites of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan triangle with special emphasis on two vibrant tracks: Turkiye–Azerbaijan relations before the establishment of the USSR and Turkiye–Pakistan relations during the Cold War. Combined, these tracks shape the basis for the present triangle. The authors trace the triangle’s history back to the establishment of Azerbaijan’s independence and cover crucial spheres of cooperation between the nations: political interaction and their shared stance on security problems such as Nagorno-Karabakh, Kashmir, the Cyprus issue, as well as tensions in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean; economic links in general and energy cooperation in particular; defense cooperation, assistance in military training, dynamics of arms trade and its prospects. The institutionalization of the triangle took place in 2017 after the signing of Baku Declaration and was tested during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020. Since the triangle saw success in the war, the parties have boosted their brotherly partnership with the first trilateral joint military drills launched in 2021. The authors claim that Turkiye and Azerbaijan will remain agenda-setters with Pakistan trying to correlate its national interests, which are hardly existent in the South Caucasus, with the triangle’s core. In case of Pakistani involvement in regional security issues, the authors propose two scenarios for Russia. The first one entails Russia serving as a mediator between Armenia, Iran and India. The second one calls on Armenia, India and Russia to develop trilateral defense cooperation that would benefit all the parties: Armenia would gain new sophisticated arms, India could acquire a reliable client, with Russia trying to implement a new form of defense cooperation so as to strengthen its position in global arms market.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135358252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Sustainable Energy: A New Vision of the Development Factors","authors":"V. Loktionov","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-8-16-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-8-16-25","url":null,"abstract":"Since the beginning of the 21st century, the world energy industry has embarked on a path of transformation, the purpose of which is the formation of a new type of energy that meets the principles of sustainable development. This process was first of all launched by the policy of the governments of the countries aimed at reducing the technogenic impact of energy on the environment. Many studies have been carried out on the feasibility of stimulating the transformation process. The challenges posed by the spread of renewable energy sources have been identified, and the main drivers that have launched and are currently stimulating the transformation process have been analyzed. Despite a large number of studies, the fact that one of the drivers of the ongoing changes in the energy industry is the correspondence of the characteristics of sustainable energy systems to a new stage in the development of capitalist societies has been overlooked. The paper examines the energy industry’s development trajectories in the context of the evolution of production organization models. It is shown that the trajectory of energy industry development is determined not only by its internal contradictions, the structure of the available resource base, scientific and technological progress and competition, but also by the general logic of socio-economic development, as well as current political narratives. The correspondence of the structures of a sustainable economy and the energy industry to the internal logic of the new organizational model inherent in the modern capitalist society turns out to be one of the drivers of the energy transition. It is concluded that due to the change in such informal institutions as the idea of a preferred future development of mankind, the norms of interaction between man and nature, as well as changes in the characteristics of energy markets, sustainable energy will continue to develop, despite its relatively low economic efficiency.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136137151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"German Social Democracy in Uncertain Reality","authors":"V. Vasiliev","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-31-47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-31-47","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes new aspects of the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) against the backdrop of the situation in Europe and in the world, confirming the forecasts made in the author’s previous publications. The party remains an important political force in Europe and globally, influences the development of European social-democratic thought, actively participates in reforming the European Union. The German Social Democrats uphold the principles of liberal democracies, entering into disputes with Budapest and Warsaw in view of their heightened sense of national exclusiveness. The updated conceptual guidelines of the party testify to further tightening of the SPD’s course in the Russian direction. The party does not give an answer to the fundamental questions: how the outlines of a new world order in Europe can be built without the participation of Russia, especially against it; to what extent the turn of the SPD’s top meets the interests of ordinary party members and citizens of the country. The approach of the German Social Democrats may exacerbate the already tense situation. The SPD has forgotten Willy Brandt’s warnings about the inadmissibility of exporting the FRG’s and other Western countries’ model, of imposing certain rules. The military-political choice made by O. Scholz and L. Klingbeil, their definition of February 24, 2022 as drawing a line under the moral and historical responsibility of Berlin for the atrocities of the Nazis, depreciating the important role of Moscow in the defeat of fascism and the reunification of Germany, have become the milestone ideological imperatives of modern Germany. These and other factors will go down in the history of Moscow–Berlin relations as a major mistake of the German Social Democracy. Moscow should not negotiate with those leaders of the SPD who will certainly bring the content of conversations to the attention of Washington, Brussels, Kyiv, Warsaw, Vilnius, Riga. The German ruling class without the sovereignty of its country does not inspire confidence. The trend of expanding hostilities in Ukraine with the use of new types of weapons, a possible direct intervention of NATO countries in the conflict continues. Moscow should clearly analyze the reasons for the rise and fall of the RF–FRG relations, Russia’s miscalculations, and sketch out various scenarios. Despite everything, in Germany, especially in the new federal states, in a part of the SPD, German business and civil society, hopes for normalizing relations with Russia have not been lost completely. Their cautious statements about the common roots of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany belonging to the European civilization cannot but inspire restrained optimism in terms of preserving the experience of dialogue between the two countries.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135360908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Contradictions and Conflicts in the Multilateral Trading System","authors":"V. Zagashvili","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-5-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-5-14","url":null,"abstract":"Although the Doha Round is prominent for its Development Agenda that pays special attention to the needs of developing countries, it is the contradictions between this group of countries and the developed ones that brought the multilateral negotiations to the deadlock. The stagnation of the Doha Round made protectionism an easy choice for too many. Protectionist response to external shocks becomes especially damaging to the multilateral trading system when WTO basic rules are ignored, which is just the case of the US trade policy. A really hard issue was posed in front of the WTO by Washington with the suspension of the work of the Appellate Body and subsequent paralysis of the Dispute Settlement, one of the pillars of the multilateral trading system. The significance of this case goes beyond the multilateral trading system because the experience of the WTO in this field is extremely important for the emerging system of global governance. Since the creation of the WTO the world economy has undergone great changes and major challenges arose that are still to be attended by the multilateral trading system. Moreover, some existing WTO provisions are to be clarified in order to eliminate uncertainty and double interpretation that allow countries to resort to discriminatory practices with impunity. The resumption of the full operation of the multilateral trading system is hardly possible without a review of the decision-making procedure based now on the consensus and single undertaking rules. Changing the decision-making process is a fundamental problem in the multilateral trading system. Plurilateral agreements do not eliminate it but allow the countries concerned to meet challenges that are most important to them. The resolution the 12th ministerial conference is critically important: it sets to summarize proposals for reforming the WTO and prepare a draft decision on their basis by the next conference which is scheduled for February 2024. Taking into account that the divergence of national economic interests will persist indefinitely long, it can be assumed that the process of reforming the WTO will encounter considerable difficulties and will also take long period of time. Overcoming the stagnation of the multilateral trading system will remove an important obstacle that prevents the globalization from entering its next, integration stage, distinctive for the formation of the global governance system. The WTO is not the only, although very important, element of this system, the further development of which will require a close interaction between the main international organizations.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135360918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Civilizational Space of Orient Countries in the 21st Century: Unique Features and Western Influence","authors":"L. Pechishcheva, K. Korneev","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-119-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-9-119-128","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines civilizational features of development of Orient countries (with an emphasis on China, Japan and the Korean Peninsula as well as India) that, in the new millennium, are system-forming players in the global political and economic arena striving to achieve leading positions in unofficial ratings of global influence. Having successfully passed the stage of Westernization of social and economic structure and at the same time preserving their own identity, Orient countries have entered the era of expanding globalization as its main beneficiaries. In cultural and historical terms, China, Japan and the Republic of Korea represent a rather unusual combination of Western market-pragmatic and Oriental Confucian-Buddhist models (with elements of national religious and ethical schools in Japan and the Republic of Korea), which determines their high ability to hybridize foreign and their own specific experience of progressive development. The same can be noted about India that is often referred to as a huge Asian democracy, successfully combining Western experience with its original traditions, culture and mentality. However, today even in Japan, historically considered the most Western-centered country in Asia, the attitude towards European and American values based on emphasized individualism, the desire to quickly achieve results without regard to the interests of the partner and the use of not always ethically correct methods of competition, is changing. It is not rejected per se, but mostly manifests in a form of doubt about their universal applicability to the Japanese reality – largely expressed among young people. For the mentality of Orient countries, the “long game” is extremely important, so as the promotion of a development model, according to which the coordinating role of the state as a common mediator, an undoubted authority for an ordinary citizen, major official, and the head of a large corporation, is great in conducting domestic and foreign policy. Nevertheless, interaction with Western ideas and approaches continues, which is why it is premature to say that Orient countries are no longer a subject to any external civilizational influence. The assimilation of Western experience is still relevant, only the forms and perception of this process inevitably change.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135361149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment: Goals and Development Prospects","authors":"S. Kislitsyn","doi":"10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-10-30-39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-10-30-39","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII). This initiative is a part of the common approaches of the United States and its G7 partners. The prerequisite for its creation was implementing the Chinese “Belt and Road Initiative” (B&R), which the U.S. and its allies consider a severe challenge to their interests in the world economy. The PGII will focus on soft infrastructure development in middle- and low-income countries. It will contribute to introducing modern digital technologies and evolution of Industry 4.0 in developing regions. Furthermore, the following priorities are within the framework of the Partnership: climate and energy security, digital communications, healthcare, and social equality. The most important difference from the “Belt and Road” is the model of development and financing of projects. Unlike the Chinese public funding approach, the PGII will attract private investment. However, it requires active work with governments of the recipient countries to adapt their institutions and legislations. It is a prerequisite for reducing sovereign risks and attracting Western investors. At the same time, implementing necessary standards creates the risk of time lags against the backdrop of dynamically developing Chinese projects. The competition between the PGII and B&R can lead to opposing political and economic blocs, negatively manifesting the emerging international relations system. Such a division can take the form of developing incompatible standards and requirements of political loyalty in exchange for access to goods, services, and technologies for the PGII recipient countries.","PeriodicalId":398103,"journal":{"name":"World Economy and International Relations","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135058631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}