{"title":"Education, Ethnicity and National Integration in the History of Nigeria: Continuing Problems of Africa's Colonial Legacy","authors":"T. Davis, A. Kalu-Nwiwu","doi":"10.2307/1350175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350175","url":null,"abstract":"Nation-building is no simple process. History has demonstrated the difficult, complex, and varied developments needed to unite a people under a government and to create among them a stable cultural, economic, political, and social community. The process has been especially strenuous where the people to be united have included diverse, large groups distinguished by their own customs, language, or separate identity. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, several of the nations that achieved independence during the decolonization of the 1950s and 1960s have continued to be beset by problems of integrating ethnic groups within the nation--as illustrated by the experience of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in West Africa. The colonial legacy of patently artificial borders drawn for the convenience of European conference tables bequeathed to many newly independent African nations a motley mix of people, each with their own separate ethnic loyalties and traditions. Nigeria's population well illustrates the diverse ethnicity encompassed within sub-Saharan nations that followed in the wake of Ghana's independence in 1957. Nigeria has a multitude of distinct ethnic and linguistic groups. The ethnic contentions among the largest of those groups--the Yoruba, Ibo, and Hausa-Fulani--have littered the pages of the new nation's history. (1) When Nigeria achieved independence from Great Britain in October 1960, like most other countries decolonized in Africa, it was a nation in name only. It existed as a political and legal entity, not as an effective and emotive identity. It was not a nation in the sense of community and common character. It was a state encompassing many ethnic nations, each claiming their own separate heritage, language, and culture. (2) At independence, Nigeria's peoples for the most part had not yet come to think of themselves as Nigerians. Ethnic loyalty took precedence over national identity. The nation's people identified themselves primarily as Hausa-Fulani, Ibo, or Yoruba, for example. Their identity as Nigerians lay in the shadow of their tribal and parochial allegiances. (3) Historical hostilities and rivalries among many of the peoples agglomerated within Nigeria accounted for some of the conflicted sense of common national identity. The colonial legacy contributed significantly, however, to furthering the collision of loyalties in the new nation. For instance, the structure of British colonial administration of the artificially drawn territory restricted development of a national consciousness within the broad expanse of Nigeria's borders. (4) Britain's practice of indirect rule in colonial Nigeria perpetuated separate ethnic and local identities. By using traditional native institutions and tractable tribal chieftains as their functionaries in exercising the doctrine of indirect rule that colonial administrator Frederick Lugard fashioned, the British sheltered the parochial political patterns of many ethnic groups. Particularly in the ","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"1 - 11"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350175","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Black Republicans in the Virginia Tobacco Fields, 1867-1870","authors":"J. Kerr-Ritchie","doi":"10.2307/1350176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350176","url":null,"abstract":"105,832 freedmen registered to vote for 1867 Virginia election. 93,145 freedmen (88%) voted in the 1867 Virginia election. Historian Richard Lowe Of all [the] ridiculous and mischievous legislating, that of giving an ignorant, uninformed class of people the right to vote and the chance of being set over the whites of the land, takes the lead. Former Mistress Sarah P. Miller I'd rather pay a high tax upon land and work it myself than to work for other people for nothing. Representative Frank Moss During the first two agricultural seasons after Appomattox, the struggle over emancipation between former masters and former slaves was largely confined to the socioeconomic terrain. Former masters and new employers attempted to impose traditional forms of labor management and Negro control. The freedmen resisted these older forms in their search for autonomy and its safeguards through access to land, control over work time, judicious compensation, and the reconstruction of family life away from coerced agricultural production. Meanwhile, the federal government, represented by the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands (Freedmen's Bureau), attempted to implement a new system of republican free labor relations with property in men replaced by property in labor based upon legal contractual obligations between employers and employees. Both the 1865 and 1866 agricultural seasons had reaped a harvest of struggle over the dispensation of the fruits of free labor exacerbated by bumper crops of tobacco and cereal grains. The seeds of class struggle over emancipation between past masters and dispossessed freedmen were scattered far and wide. In the spring of 1867, these seeds, watered by the Freedmen's Bureau, were to prematurely burst forth into political bud. (1) Between the founding of Jamestown and victory at Yorktown, Virginia was an important English colony. The three generations following independence saw the flowering of a political culture inbued with a Jeffersonian republicanism of sturdy independent yeomen, slaveholding legislators and Presidents, all of whom played an influential role in regional and national politics. The Civil War was to change all this. During the conflict itself, the Old Dominion was tom between secessionist western counties which gained independent statehood as West Virginia in 1863, a unionist northern section around the government of Francis N. Pierpont in Alexandria, and the proto-national tendencies of the Confederate States of America headquartered in Rich mond. With the Confederacy's defeat at Appomattox, the state's independence was further undermined by the presence of an occupying federal power. Although Virginia never actually experienced radical reconstruction, its politics were far from independent for the remainder of the d ecade. Its executive leadership, whether antithetical to reconstruction like Governors Francis H. Pierpont (1865-68) and Gilbert C. Walker (1869), or sympathetic such as Governor Henry H.","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"12 - 29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350176","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sit-Ins in Knoxville, Tennessee: A Case Study of Political Rhetoric","authors":"Lisa Zagumny","doi":"10.2307/1350178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350178","url":null,"abstract":"Little lunch counter with your many stools, And your nervous pacing manager fools; How do you feel amid this confusion and strife? Do you object to a change inevitable in life? What's your stand in this crucial matter? Little lunch counter with your top full of salt and often sticky, Many of your managers are now getting tricky; They close the doors in haste and despair As soon as some citizens make an appearance there. What's your stand in this crucial matter? What's the solution little roach ridden creature? What kind of ideas do you have to feature? Do you suggest that we stand as we patronize? I'm sure if we did our troubles would be few. What's your stand in this crucial matter? If you could only speak and tell us what you have in mind, It's almost certain that your suggestion would not be unkind. \" 'The trouble,' \" I'm sure you'd say, \" 'certainly is not my fault, And this stupid mess should be brought to a screeching halt.' \" (1) Ode To A Lunch Counter was written by Robert Booker, a student leader and activist during the Knoxville, Tennessee, sit-ins. While the poem has sarcastic overtones, it does bring an awareness of what people will endure because \"that's the way it is.\" Race relations in Knoxville in the late 1950s and 1960s differed from those in other southern cities. Knoxville was not a city in the \"deep South,\" never had many slaves, and only ten percent of the population was African American. The violence encountered by civil rights activists in other southern cities did not take place in Knoxville. Racial discrimination was muted by an overriding paternalism. \"You get caught up in things and you go along with it because it's the mood of the time,\" commented black civil rights activist Reverend Matthew A. Jones, Sr. regarding African Americans' willingness to deal with the paternalistic environment. (2) The Civil Rights Movement in Knoxville was influenced by the larger Movement, yet it retained distinctive elements that characterized Knoxville in the 1960s. A deeper understanding of the Civil Rights Movement will emerge from investigations into the individual communities in which civil rights protests occurred. The influence, reaction, and motivation for participants in specific communities depended on the political, social, and economic climate of that place at that particular time. While the Movement occurred across the South from the mid 1950s through the 1960s, and inspired protestors throughout the region, it was not homogeneous. Individuals and organizations were not always cohesive. Civil rights organizations and their members had differing reasons for being involved. Membership in a particular organization did not necessitate complete agreement with that organization's methods or goals. What is important to remember is that individuals and organizations participated because of a variety of influenc es. This research looks specifically at these influences in one community, particularly the political rhetoric that affecte","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"45 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350178","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Black Christian Republicanism: A Southern Ideology in Early Liberia, 1822 to 1847","authors":"C. Burrowes","doi":"10.2307/1350177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350177","url":null,"abstract":"As African-American repatriates in Liberia moved to declare their independence in 1847, Hilary Teage--the man who, as editor of the Liberia Herald, had done more than any other to further the drive toward independence - cited \"a nation of colored people on the soil of Africa, adorned and dignified with the attributes of a civilized and Christian community\" as the \"grand object which at first brought us to Africa.\" In referring to a \"nation\" comprised of \"colored people\" in a \"Christian community,\" Teage, an immigrant from Richmond, Virginia, was referring respectively to republicanism, Black Nationalism and Christianity, three intellectual traditions that undergirded the thinking of those early repatriates who sought to found a new nation, which they appropriately named Liberia (i.e., Latin for \"freedom\"). Samuel Benedict, president of the Liberian Constitutional Convention of 1847, who, in presenting the finished document to the citizenry, repeated these three themes: It is our earnest desire that the affairs of this government may be so conducted as to merit the approbation of all Christendom, and restore to Africa her long lost glory, and that Liberia under the guidance of Heaven may continue a happy asylum for our long oppressed race. (1) While Liberia was a colony, it encompassed nine scattered coastal towns with a population of 2,390. Only 27 percent were locally born, including a few indigenous persons who had adopted Liberian ways. By 1847, African-Americans from southern states were demographically and politically dominant, constituting 4,963 out of 5,602 immigrants to Liberia and providing 11 out of 12 delegates to the Liberian Constitutional Convention. (2) Despite being few in number and having a fragile state, early Liberians possessed an ideology that fueled a sense of mission, as reflected in the lofty pronouncements of Teage and Benedict. This study argues that republicanism, Black Consciousness and an African influenced Christianity formed important elements of a Southern ideology that was evident between 1822, when Liberia was established as a colony of free African Americans, and 1847, when the repatriates declared their independence from the American Colonization Society (ACS). (3) This study is based on the perspectives of African-American repatriates to Liberia, African colonization and Liberian history, (4) surviving issues of five periodicals that reported intensively on ninteenth-century Liberia, (5) various state papers, including the Liberian Constitution and Declaration of Independence of 1847; letters from African-American repatriates to their relatives, friends and former slave holders in the United States; (6) letters by noted Liberian leaders, including 71 news articles and editorials, seven poems, two sermons, four major speeches and a treatise on self-government by blacks. Most of the individually authored documents were written by three political leaders: Joseph Jenkins Roberts (1809-1876), who served as the las","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"36 1","pages":"30 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350177","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68366055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In Memoriam: Stephen Henderson: 1925-1997","authors":"E. D. Stephens","doi":"10.1086/jnhv85n4p318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/jnhv85n4p318","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"318 - 319"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/jnhv85n4p318","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60084588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Study in Red and Black: Ethnic Humor in Colonial America","authors":"Ann S. Maydosz","doi":"10.2307/2668548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668548","url":null,"abstract":"Ann Maydosz [*] The \"New Found Land,\" [1] as America was called by Thomas Harriot, one of the continent's first ethnographers, opened a Pandora's box of troubles for the Englishmen who landed there. Confounded by their unpreparedness for life there, they quickly discovered that unfamiliar terrain was an almost insurmountable obstacle. Yet, their eyes told them that people could thrive, even prosper there. Initially native societies evoked an awe born not just of curiosity about these newly discovered humans, but of necessity because the Native Americans' survival skills towered over the European settlers'. Eventually the transplanted Europeans were able to overcome their ineptness and led by the Native Americans, as chronicled by Harriot in his book A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia, began to carve out a life on the new continent. The European settlers' relationship with the Africans they encountered, though, suffered none of the self-doubt which infected first meetings with the Native Americans. Although Native Americans were also used as slaves, to the eyes of needy European colonists, the Africans held only one status: a conscriptable labor force. The owners of African slaves had no need or interest in learning the native culture of their newly acquired workers. Many Africans were at least nominally Christian, having been baptized before capture, and some of their owners undertook the responsibility for further religious instruction, primarily to insure their passivity and stamp out native tendencies as quickly as possible. One element which survived and perhaps even enlivened the culture clashes was humor. European settlers, Native Americans and Africans retained the right to laugh at each other through the painful transitions all endured. Although none of the groups were homogeneous, there tended to be a seamless blending when faced with members of the outlying groups. Settlers, in this case, were of such a variety of original nationalities, all with preconceived notions of each other, that any sort of unity seemed impossible. Yet, when confronted with the wildly dissimilar cultures of the African or the Native American, a definable alliance was born. This ethnocentrism-- \"us\" against \"them\"--was the basis for the rich variety of ethnic humor which abounded at the time. Tempestuous and troubling issues: guilt, superiority and insecurity were often played out on the miniature stage of the popular joke. These conflicts exposed a disparity of image when it came to the Europeans' view of the Native Americans and Africans. Although the European colonists viewed Native Americans and Africans differently, at face value their cultural situation was similar. Neither the Native American nor the African spoke the white man's language. Both had intact cultures when the white man thrust himself upon them, causing each to alter his values. And yet, initially, the Native Americans were perceived as possessing desirable qualities, w","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"300 - 307"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668548","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opportunity, Experience, and Recognition: Black Participation in Philadelphia's New Deal Arts Projects, 1936-1942","authors":"Arthur R. Jarvis","doi":"10.2307/2668544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668544","url":null,"abstract":"Arthur R. Jarvis [*] From 1929 until 1941, the entire spectrum of American labor felt the escalating problems of unemployment, hunger, frustration, and hopelessness caused by the Great Depression. Among professional workers severely affected by the economic catastrophe were people with backgrounds in cultural activities; artists, musicians, actors, and writers. These individuals saw their livelihoods evaporate because regular patrons cut back on buying paintings, attending concerts, spending evenings at the theatre, or purchasing the latest novel or magazine. Early New Deal relief experiments suggested that public support for cultural endeavors might be possible without excessive opposition. A program of work relief for the arts was initiated under the umbrella supervision of the Works Progress Administration (WPA) in 1935. From the start of the WPA, Executive Order 7046 banned discrimination on federal projects. Although this policy was circumvented in some locations, particularly in southern states, the WPA proved a godsend for Philadelphia African-Americans in the arts. They demonstrated how this became the opportunity of a lifetime for people who had been ignored. Three of the four projects enjoyed significant black participation; the Federal Theatre Project [FTP], Federal Art Project [FAP], and Federal Music Project [FMP]. The WPA funded seven Pennsylvania theatrical units and Philadelphia operated four; a marionette project, a folk theatre and two vaudeville units, one white, and one African-American. From the start, each had varying degrees of success. In November 1936, the WPA Colored Theatre Project presented a revue entitled \"Truckin' Along.\" Although it was a crowd-pleasing effort that made effective use of African-American talent, the show was a simple variety program in which director W.J. Hagerty packed a series of unrelated acts. [1] Hagerty was a local director whose previous theatrical experience had been limited to directing many burlesque shows. The buffoonery and low comedy of that format provided Hagerty with enough room to create early FTP shows, but later, when performance demands became more rigorous, he was unable to fulfill the requirements. Of the theatre units that operated in Philadelphia, the black revues were the most successful live theatre. The energy and spontaneous good-nature of shows like \"Truckin' Along\" and its variety successor, \"So What?\", consistently drew appreciative crowds. In July 1937, James Light of New York's federal theatre project was reassigned to Philadelphia to specifically direct the black unit. National administrators believed this group had the talent to provide the foundation for a more challenging dramatic program. Light was selected for this job because he had achieved success as a director in London, Berlin and New York. His most notable achievements were with singer-actor Paul Robeson in Eugene O'Neill's \"Emperor Jones\" and the \"Hairy Ape.\" [2] Light's successful record with black acto","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"241 - 259"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668544","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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