The Journal of Negro history最新文献

{"title":"The Contemporaneous Reception of Phillis Wheatley: Newspaper and Magazine Notices During the Years of Fame, 1765-1774","authors":"M. A. Isani","doi":"10.2307/2668545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668545","url":null,"abstract":"Mukhtar Ali Isani [*] The fame of Phullis Wheatley is often measured in terms of references in the writings of such eminent figures as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin, but these are only a part of the evidence. Recognition among the common populace, as evident in the newspapers and magazines of the time, is also a valid measure. These commonplace and public documents effectively show the reach and the recognition of the poet. While Bostonians and others attested to her creativity within the limited scope of personal correspondence and in a foreword to her book, American newspapers and magazines broadcast news of the poet to far greater numbers and with some frequency. The notices were brief but fairly numerous, representing six colonies. American newspapers focused on Wheatley as American news and reflected some colonial pride; the British magazines often overlooked local significance but offered greater depth of examination. Current events and current sympathies make the focus on the poet somewhat diffe rent in colonial America and in the mother country, then engaged in antislavery debate. As the main source of public information, newspapers and magazines contributed to the bulk of Wheatley's contemporaneous fame. This article is based on a page-by-page examination of extant colonial newspapers and magazines falling within the period 1765-1774 and on a selective examination of English publications. [1] Its purpose is to verify known newspaper and magazine notices by personal examination, add new items via a cumulative list, and examine the expanded range of Wheatley notices for its reflection of the poet's contemporaneous fame, still not fully documented. The descriptive essay is based upon this greater breadth of material now available. American newspaper and magazine notices of the time are brief and those related to Wheatley's work generally do not amount to reviews, but their number is considerable and they are representative of popular opinion in their approach to the poet. The selectivity enforced by the limitations of space in the 18th century newspapers gives further importance to these notices. The survey of American sources for this study lends substance to the inadequately documented contemporaneous and near-contemporaneous suggestions, including those of Margaretta Odell, that Wheatley was famous in her time. [2] Findings in English newspapers and magazines support American findings, besides providing a critical review unobtainable in the more limited American publications. But even a brief notice in America has its significance, for the colonial newspaper was almost universally only four pages long, with little more than a page devoted to news that was not political or commercial. To win recurring attention in these pages is imp ressive. The Wheatley notices are notable in number and, to a lesser extent, in variety. They show interest in Wheatley both as a person and as a poet. The value of her poetry is re","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"260 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668545","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"African-Americans and Minority Language Maintenance in the United States","authors":"Mark L. Louden","doi":"10.2307/2668543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668543","url":null,"abstract":"INTRODUCTION Over the past thirty years, scholars who study the relationship between language and society (sociolinguists) have devoted a number of studies to the verbal behavior of African-Americans, primarily focusing on the modern and historical aspects of African-American Vernacular English (Black English, Ebonics). Specifically in the area of the historical development of AAVE, recent years have witnessed intensified work on early (pre-1900) attestations of older stages of the ethnolect. As regards the origins of AAVE, two distinct schools of thought have emerged. On the one hand, there are those who argue that modern AAVE is the descendant of originally pidginized, and subsequently creolized varieties of English which developed among African slaves from differing linguistic backgrounds who lacked a common language. [1] In support of their theory, \"creolists\" point to significant lexical and structural differences between AAVE and white varieties of English, as well as parallels between AAVE and West African languag es and creolized forms of English (e.g. those spoken in the Caribbean). On the other hand, a second theory of AAVE origins holds that first-generation African-American slaves, despite their appalling social circumstances, were in much the same kind of linguistic situation as non-English speaking immigrants by choice, that is, with varying degrees of success, they came to learn the various forms of English spoken by coterritorial whites. The \"dialectologists\", as they are often referred to, in contrast to the creolists, emphasize the structural similarities between AAVE and Southern White Vernacular English (SWVE), the non-standard form(s) of English spoken by whites in the American South. [2] These two accounts of the origins of AAVE, creolist and dialectologist, are premised on fundamentally different understandings of the sociohistorical circumstances of African-Americans during the colonial and antebellum periods. The creolist position assumes a significant degree of social distance between blacks and whites during this time, the idea being that social separation necessarily leads to linguistic differentiation. Alternatively, dialectologists are inclined to assume that enslavement and more benign forms of social segregation need not have implied a severe lack of social, and hence linguistic contact between African and white Americans. In other words, a dialectologist's reading of the historical record is more likely to recognize the extent to which blacks and whites have interacted with another in a variety of social domains. Recently, a group of AAVE specialists, notably Donald Winford of the Ohio State University, have articulated a view on the origins of AAVE which synthesizes eleents from both the creolist and dialectologist perspectives. Winford, for example, relying heavily on the sociohistorical evidence, charts a middle course between the two extremes and argues that while AAVE is not simply a variety of SWVE spoken by","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"223 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668543","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"NAACP Sponsored Sit-ins by Howard University Students in Washington, D.C., 1943-1944","authors":"F. Brown","doi":"10.2307/2668546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668546","url":null,"abstract":"Flora Bryant Brown [*] When we think of student led sit-ins we tend to think first of the four young African-American male students at North Carolina A & T State University, who, on February 1, 1960, sat-in at a downtown Woolworth's store in Greensboro. Their actions came in the midst of the civil rights activities of the 1950s and 1960s and sparked similar sit-ins in other cities. But these were not the first, as earlier this century sit-ins were also used to confront segregation. Among those, African-American college students at Howard University planned and carried out two well-organized sit-ins in April of 1943 and April of 1944. Their goal was to end segregation in public places in Washington, D.C. and they were hopeful that their actions would spark similar sit-ins by other African-American college students across the country. Unfortunately, the sit-ins were abruptly ended by the college's President, Mordecai Johnson, and the administration at Howard. By the 1940s there was a long tradition of protests used by the African-American community in the fight against segregation and discrimination. On numerous occasions direct-action had been used; however, it did not come into wide use as a protest tool until the 1960s. In the 1940s, A. Phillip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and Maids, called for the use of direct-action when he called for a March on Washington to protest the lack of progress in securing defense industry jobs for African Americans. [1] Randolph was \" ... the leader of the most vigorous pressure campaign for ... the rights of African Americans during the war.\" [2] He was the only public figure within the African-American community calling for direct-action tactics during the 1940s. In fact, it was Randolph who was most admired by young African Americans as a leader because he was direct and forthright in the call for equal rights and did not adhere to the acommodationist-type leadership of the past. World War II brought into greater focus the dichotomy between the American ideal and American reality in the lives of African Americans. Throughout the war years there were many challenges to the racial status quo all across the country. [3] Washington, D.C. had developed into a thoroughly segregated city by the 1940s. According to one observer, \"[A]side from some government cafeterias and the YMCA cafeteria at eleventh and K streets, N.W., Union Station was the only place in downtown Washington where a Negro could get a meal or use restroom facilities.\" Streetcars and buses remained integrated. [4] Segregation was not legal in Washington, D.C. at the time, as no specific laws were passed; however, it had become custom and practice there. African Americans were \"barred from hotels, restaurants, theaters, movie houses, and other places of public accommodation.\" 5 Municpal ordinances in 1869 and 1870 had been passed, erasing \"the word white wherever it appeared in Washington and Georgetown's charters and ","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"274 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668546","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The White Rose Mammy: Racial Culture and Politics in World War II Memphis","authors":"G. Dowdy","doi":"10.2307/2668549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2668549","url":null,"abstract":"G. Wayne Dowdy [*] We respectfully solicit the influence of your good offices in having this advertisement removed, for the sake of interracial goodwill, which is unquestionably needed at this time. The above quotation comes from a letter [1] written by the President of the Negro Chamber of Commerce to the Mayor of Memphis in 1942 concerning an advertisement which depicted a black mammy washing clothes. The controversy that resulted tells us much about the racial division in the South and reveals the existence of black political power in that segregated region. Positioned atop the fourth Chickasaw bluff overlooking the Mississippi River, Memphis developed into a regional distribution center and became the largest city in the Mid-South. Rural communities in north Mississippi, eastern Arkansas, and western Tennessee relied upon the city as a market for their agricultural goods, especially cotton. Despite the upheaval of Civil War, the economy of Memphis prospered under Union occupation, only to see those gains reversed after several yellow fever epidemics in the 1870s. [2] Much of the sophisticated and wealthy population fled the city never to return, leaving behind a city dominated by migrants from the countryside. A rural culture was nurtured in Memphis by its newly arrived residents which clashed with the existing urban commercialization. [3] Nowhere was this tension played out more than in the relationship between its white and black citizens. On the one hand, whites clung to the Lost Cause and celebrated the plantation myth, while at the same time they tolerated and even encouraged black participation in the political process. Without a white Democratic primary and with only the poll tax as an impediment, black Memphians enjoyed unusual access to power. [4] Despite political participation, local blacks were not equal and the threat of violence at the hands of white Memphians was always beneath the surface. Several incidents during the nineteenth century, particularly the Memphis race riot of 1866 where forty-six African Americans were murdered, long colored daily life for both sides of the line. [5 The customs and laws of segregation enacted at the end of the century were at least in the minds of some whites a response to this possibility of violence as urban conditions forced both races into an ever shrinking orbit. Memphis blacks, accustomed to a certain amount of deference, refused to allow this inequality to go unchallenged. Julia Hooks, a prominent black schoolteacher, is a case in point. Attempting to attend a theater performance in 1881, Hooks was refused seating in a whites-only section. Protesting this segregation led to her being fined five dollars for disorderly conduct. [6] That same year the State of Tennessee passed a law requiring railroads to provide separate coaches for black and white passengers. This law was eventually challenged by a young black schoolteacher who would become one of the nation's most recognizable reformers.","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"308 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2668549","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68734488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revolutionary Black Nationalism: The Black Panther Party","authors":"J. Harris","doi":"10.2307/2649073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649073","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this paper is to take an in depth look into the Black Panther Party, the major champion of a form of Black Nationalism commonly known as Revolutionary Nationalism. My interest in the topic was sparked by some research done in the 11th grade on Black Nationalism in an African-American Studies course. During my research, the information I found on the Black Panther Party was very intriguing to me, but because of the limits of the assignment, I could not place much emphasis on the Black Panthers; I could only touch on them and the entire Black Nationalist movement in general terms. With my interest about the Black Panther Party still being piqued, it was meaningful to me to do this research paper focused solely on the Black Panthers and finally appease my curiosity about this very militant and controversial group. Before I go into my discussion on the Black Panther Party, I would like to first give a little background information on Black Nationalism and then its two major expressions Classical Black Nationalism and Contemporary Black Nationalism. Throughout the history of Africans on these hostile American shores, Black Nationalism has found itself on numerous occasions to be the significant school of thought for many of our organizations, institutions, and protest activities. From Martin R. Delany to Alexander Crumell, and Bishop Henry McNeal Turner to Marcus Garvey, in its simplest form, Black Nationalism is the recognition of cultural and racial commonality and a call to racial solidarity. From a social standpoint, Black Nationalism deals with the proposition that an oppressed people must first cherish a friendly union with themselves, and that this particular charity begins at home and then spreads abroad. The political objectives of Black Nationalism can range from the admonition that black people must control the politics and economics of their communities, to the creation of a separate black nation in North America or returning to the African homeland. Even though it is very noticeable that the convictions of Black Nationalism have bridged a wide reaching spectrum, because of the complexities associated with black life in the United States, it was to be expected that the common goal of the Black Nationalist movement was to liberate black people from oppression.' The earliest expressions of this goal took place during an era in history ranging from the 1800's until 1930's known as the period of Classical Black Nationalism. Classical Black Nationalism can be defined as the effort of African-Americans to create a sovereign nation-state and formulate an ideological basis of a concept of national culture. Classical Black Nationalism's objective of establishing a national homeland in","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"162 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649073","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68624766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Reviving Oroonoko","authors":"K. Polk","doi":"10.2307/2649072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649072","url":null,"abstract":"This quotation, taken from Woodson's 1933 book, The Mis-Education of the Negro, refers to the lack of a black presence in Western literature.' The work details the inequities of black education since slavery's roots anchored themselves in American soil. Sixty-seven years later, the easy assumption would be that the educational landscape seen by Woodson has changed, and the literary lens that once only focused on white authors has become more culturally panoramic. After all, there are more Black Studies departments being implemented at the university level than ever before; likewise, more black students are enrolled at these same institutions. Perspectives have, indeed, widened with the help of progress. Yet it would be premature and foolhardy to believe all blinders of race and racism have been razed from the field of literary studies. Within English literature there are very few black characters that are instantly recognized by name compared to their white counterparts. For every Bigger Thomas (from Richard Wright's Native Son) there are myriad Huckleberry Finns; for every Pecola Breedlove (from Toni Morrison's The Bluest Eye) there are sundries of Scout Finches. This is no new phenomenon. Black characters have always been one of the rarer prospects in the vast white territory of Western literature. The genre says it all-you need not be a wordsmith to etymologically pare the word \"English\" to find that its origin lies in England and not Africa. As literary scholars we must continue to task ourselves with the mission of presenting canonical portraits of Black heritage to our students and readers. While it is taken for granted we will read and digest the works of certain notable black authors, I believe studying novels and short stories penned by white hands may give us an understanding in how blacks were/are depicted in literature. Examining the depiction of African peoples by white authors can give us latitude to inquire how white authors and white people view us today. Toni MolTison proposes and calls for just this type of scholarship in Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, to continue","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"154 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649072","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68624549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Through White Eyes: The 154th New York Volunteers and African-Americans in the Civil War","authors":"M. Dunkelman","doi":"10.2307/2649058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649058","url":null,"abstract":"Mark H. Dunkelman [*] A train steamed away from the depot at Jamestown, New York, late on the afternoon of September 29, 1862. Aboard were approximately 950 white men and teenaged boys, newly mustered into the service of the United States as the 154th New York Volunteer Infantry. Behind them they left the comforts and consolations of their hearths and homes, their families and friends, the routines and rituals of civilian life. Ahead they faced a life transformed: submitting to military discipline, acclimatizing to southern weather, subsisting on rough food and poor water, sleeping under scanty shelter, lugging heavy loads on long marches through dust or mud or snow or sleet, scratching at lice and chiggers, rusting with routine and boredom, pining with homesickness, falling prey to disability and disease, and facing the terrible ordeal of combat. For almost three years they struggled. More than half of them were killed, wounded, or captured in the battles at Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, and during the Chattanooga and Atlanta campaigns, the March to the Sea, and the campaign of the Carolinas. Typhoid fever, dysentery, and other diseases stole the lives of scores of them, and sent hundreds more home with discharges. Starvation and scurvy killed dozens of them in Confederate prison pens. In the end, though, they triumphed. About a quarter of them followed General William T. Sherman in his sweeping campaigns through the heart of the South to the end of the war, and marched past cheering throngs crowding the wide avenues of Washington in the glorious Grand Review of the Union armies. Augmented by convalescents and exchanged prisoners, approximately 350 of them were mustered out of the service in June 1865 at Bladensburg, Maryland, and returned by train to their western New York homes. [1] Most of the men of the 154th New York were of Anglo-Saxon descent, the sons and grandsons of pioneers who had moved from New England and central New York to settle in the westernmost corner of the state. Small numbers of European immigrants -- Irishmen, Germans, Frenchmen -- were to be found in the ranks. The regiment left behind a largely white world when it departed from Jamestown for the front. Eight of the regiment's ten companies were recruited in Cattaraugus County, where the Allegheny River carved an oxbow through the knobby foothills of the Allegheny Mountains. The other two companies were raised in neighboring Chautauqua County, where the land sloped down to the shores of Lake Erie. The 1860 census recorded approximately 102,300 people in the two counties. The only sizable racial minority was some 1,100 Seneca Indians, confined on reservations. The handful of African-American residents was so small as to be negligible. It is unlikely that many members of the 154th New York had ever had a substantive encounter with a black person before their wartime service, if indeed they had ever met one. [2] That changed when the regiment crossed the Mason-Dixon Line","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"96 - 111"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649058","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68624468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Persistence of Memory","authors":"Michael Twitty","doi":"10.2307/2649074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649074","url":null,"abstract":"This is not a paper about the Meaning or Value of Knowledge. What will be discussed in this paper is the persistence of personal Knowledge after physical death. This view of Knowledge is discussed briefly in The Immortality of Mind, Paper (3) listed above. In this context, Knowledge is neutral in Meaning and Value. However, in the Appendix to this paper, we have considered some simple, even naïve, cosmological models from the viewpoint of Ignorance/Information Theory.","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"176 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649074","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68624322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revisiting the Jordan Thesis: 'White over Black' in Seventeenth-Century England and America","authors":"Karl E. Westhauser","doi":"10.2307/2649059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649059","url":null,"abstract":"Karl E. Westhauser [*] It seems natural that African-American studies and global studies should invigorate and reinforce each other. After all, it was globalization that led to the enslavement of Africans in the Americas in the first place, while black Americans were among the first to recognize how much global thinking could contribute to social progress, through the Pan-African vision of Du Bois, Garvey and others. Yet one scholar has recently lamented a \"provincialism in analyses of the global African experience\" and says that \"scholar-activists should begin to take note of what has happened to those communities in the African diaspora that have a long history of settlement in Europe.\" [1] This article takes up that challenge by comparing and contrasting early developments in race relations in England and America, presenting original research in the light of works published in the last thirty years, especially Winthrop D. Jordan's classic 1968 study, White over Black: American Attitudes towards the Negro 1550-1812. [2] Comparison with England demonstrates that the development of racism was not a phenomenon unique to America. Racism spread virulently during the early modem era and became pervasive throughout the Atlantic world. Yet there also developed in England an alternative way of seeing race relations, best described as a multicultural vision. Multicultural vision, past as well as present, affirms some fundamental truths about race that continue to challenge racism. One of these truths is that race is not a biological fact of human difference but a cultural artifact, a way of seeing ourselves. Another is that racism contains an element of choice on the part of those who would see themselves as white. If whites have failed to make other choices, it is not because alternatives have been lacking, even in the seventeenth century. \"It only gradually dawned on me,\" writes Winthrop Jordan, that to discover the origins of American racism, he would first have to trace the development of English attitudes toward Africans. Out of this necessity comes one of White over Black's great virtues. Jordan demonstrates that English ideas about black people were fluid well into the seventeenth century, grounding the rise of racism in contingency rather than the certainty of hindsight. He thereby enlarges \"our awareness of the possibilities of human experience.\" About the 1620s, English attitudes toward blacks began to crystallize and a stereotype began to emerge. The critical step, however--the debasement of blacks and the equation of blacks with slavery--came only as a result of the American colonial experience. The concept of \"white over black\" became law in Barbados in the 1630s, in New England in the 1640s, and in the Chesapeake in the 1660s. According to Jordan, the concept of white over black triumphed throughout the English-speaking world in t he second half of the seventeenth century. [3] Jordan's Bancroft-prize-winning study tells only part of the sto","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"112 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68624493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Rise of Black Phoenix: African-American Migration, Settlement and Community Development in Maricopa County, Arizona 1868-1930","authors":"M. Whitaker","doi":"10.2307/2649077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2649077","url":null,"abstract":"Matthew C. Whitaker [*] Phoenix is the largest city in the Southwest and one of the largest urban centers in the country. It has developed a popular reputation as a desert oasis, a \"Phoenix,\" which has risen from ancient Hohokam Indian ruins, bursting with social, economic, and political opportunity. This popular perception, created by the city's modern Euro-American founders, pioneers, and commercial boosters, fueled the enormous movement which has established Phoenix as one of the nation's premier urban centers. Currently, more than half of all Arizonans live in Phoenix, the center of one of the most urbanized states in the nation. A \"sunbelt metropolis\" founded in 1867, it is currently one of the ten largest cities in the United States. Although Phoenix has been marketed as something of a middle-class, white desert mecca, there have always been, despite their small numbers, minority communities which contributed greatly to the social, economic, and political development of Phoenix. This paper will examine the origins of African-American migration, settlement, and community maturation in Phoenix, Arizona, and their social, economic, and political impact on the lives of African-Americans and the \"Southwestern metropolis\" at large, to the \"New Deal\" era. It will focus on Black social, political, and economic opportunities, the development of black leadership, and the growth of protest organizations and mutual aid societies in the greater Phoenix area. Black Phoenicians were not simply passive, insignificant residents of the greater Phoenix area. African-Americans in Phoenix displayed agency and resilience in the face of seemingly arbitrary white racial malevolence and apathy. They were struggling participants in a capitalist, white supremacist, patriarchal system. This Euro-American social, economic, and political order systematically empowered and valued whiteness and affluence, while disempowering and devaluing \"people of color\" and the poor. It sanctioned \"de jure\" and \"de facto\" forms of racial segregation, class discrimination and sexism by displacing minorities, the indigent, and women because it denied them direct and indirect access to the local and national means of production and distribution. Indeed, Phoenix has been microcosmic of the larger American society insofar as the socio-economic condition of its black community has in essence mirrored that of many African-American communities throughout the United States. This is not to say that Phoeni x's black communities are identical to those elsewhere in the United States, and it is certainly not \"little Chicago.\" Phoenix has never been the destination of an enormous black migration, and the site of an entrenched inner-city black population, most often associated with New York or Detroit. Yet black Phoenicians, like blacks in most cities, have battled the nihilism that degradation, devaluation, second-class citizenship, and socio-economic ostracism have imposed upon them. [1] Like the va","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"85 1","pages":"197 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/2649077","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68625247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}