The Journal of Negro history最新文献_第2页

The Presidential and Congressional Documents on the First African-American National Holiday: National Freedom Day 关于第一个非裔美国人国定假日:国家自由日的总统和国会文件

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/1562452

Hanes Walton, Kenneth A. Jordan, Modibo Kadalie, M. Stewart, R. Green

引用次数: 1

Reconciling Freedom with the Rights of Property: Slave Emancipation in Colombia, 1821-1852, with Special Reference to La Plata 调和自由与财产权:1821-1852年哥伦比亚的奴隶解放，特别参考拉普拉塔

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/1562445

Russell Lohse

引用次数: 14

Fire in the Bones: Hartford's NAACP, Civil Rights and Militancy, 1943-1969 《骨子里的火:哈特福德的全国有色人种协进会、民权和战斗性，1943-1969

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/1562446

Stacey K. Close

引用次数: 0

Reading, Writing and Racism: The Fight to Desegregate the Duval County Public School System 阅读、写作与种族主义:为废除杜瓦尔县公立学校系统的种族隔离而战

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/1562451

Abel A. Bartley

引用次数: 1

Benjamin Arthur Quarles, Ph. D. 1904-1996. A Personal Memorial Tribute 本杰明·阿瑟·夸尔斯博士，1904-1996。个人纪念

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/jnhv86n2p200

R. McConnell

引用次数: 0

Black and "Dangerous"?: African American Working Poor Perspectives on Juvenile Reform and Welfare in Victorian New York, 1840-1890 黑色和“危险”?: 1840-1890年，在维多利亚时代的纽约，非裔美国工人穷人对少年改革和福利的看法

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/1350160

Gunja San Gupta

{"title":"Black and \"Dangerous\"?: African American Working Poor Perspectives on Juvenile Reform and Welfare in Victorian New York, 1840-1890","authors":"Gunja San Gupta","doi":"10.2307/1350160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350160","url":null,"abstract":"By all accounts, New York City in the 1840s encompassed within its frenetic shores the best of worlds and the worst of worlds. Within sight of splendid Broadway lay what sensationalist reporters dramatized as the wretched \"realm of Poverty,\" its features most grotesquely magnified in the notorious district of Five Points \"just back of City Hall, towards the East River. . .. \" It was into this latter world of crooked streets, foul air, slouching beggars, overcrowded cellars, predatory epidemics, and crime and prostitution that a thirteen-year old cabin boy of African descent named James Hubbard stepped off a Canadian ship on a frosty December day in 1840. Two months later this young native of Bermuda joined the inmate population of the first juvenile reformatory in the United States, known as the New York House of Refuge [hereafter NYHR]. Hubbard explained to his case recorder that he had jumped ship because he suspected that the captain intended to sell him into slavery in the American South. \"A colored man\" brought him to the city almshouse, which in turn dispatched him to the Refuge. Subsequently, the youth was indentured to a farmer in New Jersey who sent glowing reports of the boy's work and conduct. James Hubbard had found in the Refuge a precarious haven against bondage, in part through the intercession of an informal web of \"race kin\" forged in the public spaces of New York's meanest streets.2 A few months after Hubbard's introduction to New York, another young seafaring African American entered the Refuge under somewhat different circumstances. Fifteen year old William Groorsbeck, originally of Newark, New Jersey, was the son of a boot black and a domestic worker who lived in service in the Bowery. When Groorsbeck lost his job as a clerk on a steamboat and with it his board and lodging his parents took him to the Police and had him committed to the reformatory for vagrancy. The young man assured his new custodians that he \"never stole anything.\" Evidently, for Groorsbeck and his parents, the Refuge was meaningful not as a vehicle of cultural uplift as much as a material resource to buttress a precarious family wage economy.3 The cases of James Hubbard and William Groorsbeck illustrate an important aspect of the urban black working poor's relationship with Victorian America's quasi-public","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"99 - 131"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350160","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

Harold T. Pinkett. 1914-2001 哈罗德·t·平克特1914-2001

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-04-01 DOI: 10.1086/jnhv86n2p201

Douglas Helms

引用次数: 0

"I Will Gather All Nations": Resistance, Culture, and Pan-African Collaboration in Denmark Vesey's South Carolina “我将聚集所有国家”:丹麦南卡罗来纳的抵抗、文化和泛非合作

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/1350161

W. Rucker

{"title":"\"I Will Gather All Nations\": Resistance, Culture, and Pan-African Collaboration in Denmark Vesey's South Carolina","authors":"W. Rucker","doi":"10.2307/1350161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350161","url":null,"abstract":"From U.B. Phillips' contention that Africans were \"inertly obeying minds and muscles\" to the pioneering work of Herbert Aptheker, the historiographical discourse on American slave resistance has undergone a dramatic paradigm shift over the past century. (1) Despite considerable opposition to both his political affiliations and his theoretical approach, Aptheker successfully created the foundation from which future studies of slave resistance would begin. Writing in the 1940s, Aptheker built upon the works of such black scholars as W.E.B. DuBois and Carter G. Woodson by arguing that Africans never accepted their collective conditions under slavery and this sentiment was occasionally expressed in the form of insurrection and other types of resistance. He points to over two hundred and fifty alleged rebellions and conspiracies as evidence of the widespread nature of slave discontent. (2) To Aptheker, the root cause of slave revolts was slavery, a conclusion which undermines any romantic perception of plantation life. He also viewed slave resistance as a necessary and natural phenomenon; in essence, it was a human response to inhumane conditions. In the \"Preface\" to his 1969 edition of American Negro Slave Revolts, Aptheker claims that \"Humans, no matter of what color, being humans (sic) have rebelled when their treatment was bestial and when opportunity and capacity for rebellion was present.\" A similar sentiment is voiced by Kenneth Stampp in his 1956 work entitled The Peculiar Institution. In this sustained rebuttal of Phillips, Stampp states that \"I have assumed that the slaves were merely ordinary human beings, that innately Negroes are, after all, only white men with black skins, nothing more, nothing less.\" (3) These statements, while well intentioned, can obscure as much as they reveal. Though it can be maintained that resistance is indeed a human reaction, this notion may not fully reflect the nuanced and multi-faceted realities evident in the African Diaspora. Slaves were human beings as well as Africans from specific socio-political contexts and cultural backgrounds. While the conclusion that resistance is a human response might be true on the most rudimentary level, it would only seem logical that the types of resistance engaged in by slaves were largely determined and shaped by their African past. Historians Stanley Elkins, Richard Dunn, and Albert Raboteau have all argued that African \"tribalism\" and cultural diversity contributed heavily to undermining the possibilities of slave collaboration and resistance. Dunn epitomizes this by noting that both linguistic barriers and tribal rivalries \"hindered these blacks, once enslaved, from combining against their masters.\" Additionally, Raboteau claims that \"[t]ribal and linguistic groups were broken up, either on the coasts of Africa or in the slave pens across the Atlantic. ...In the New World slave control was based on the eradication of all forms of African culture because of their power t","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"132 - 147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350161","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 9

The Contributions of Mexico's First Black Indian President, Vicente Guerrero 墨西哥第一位黑人印第安总统维森特·格雷罗的贡献

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/1350162

Theodore G. Vincent

{"title":"The Contributions of Mexico's First Black Indian President, Vicente Guerrero","authors":"Theodore G. Vincent","doi":"10.2307/1350162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350162","url":null,"abstract":"Theodore G. Vincent * This article surveys the contributions to the political foundations of Mexico by the general and president Vicente Guerrero, 1781-1831. Guerrero was of African, Indian, and Spanish heritage, and he was raised in a colonial setting in which anyone African in Mexico was subjected by the Spaniards to special legal disadvantages, including the stipulation that only Africans could be made slaves. Guerrero's life shows a consistent struggle to achieve equal rights for Afro-Mexicans, and also for those on the Indigenous side of his family. Guerrero is called \"the consumator of independence\" for his role as commander in chief of the Mexican army during the last years of the 1810-1821 war with Spain; and he is called the Mexican \"Abraham Lincoln\" for issuing his country's presidential slavery abolition proclamation. He is also credited with creating a grass roots-oriented political tradition. A century after Guerrero's 1810 struggle for independence, there came the 1910 Mexican social revolution associated with Emiliano Zapata, for which Guerrero was the posthumous leader emeritus; according to historian Rafael Ramos Pedrueza, who declares in his book, Vicente Guerrero: Precursor del Socialismo, that Guerrero was \"the brother of the workers--of the thought and the action of that fertile laboring class ... (for whom) his sturdy Sureno machete had been flashed many a time.\" Guerrero was at the root of the 1910 struggle because \"he was the precursor of the agrarianism that redistributes the land to the enslaved peasant.\" Guerrero would also appear t o have a link with the Zapatista rebels of the 1990s in Chiapas, who claim to struggle for the goals illuminated in 1910. (1) For his accomplishments Guerrero has a state in his name, one of only four citizens so honored in Mexico. And yet biographical study of Guerrero is scant. In this article we will survey his contributions in two parts; one, the specific life and times of Guerrero, and then the expression of his ideas carried forward by his voluminously published literary grandson Vicente Riva Palacio after Guerrero's tragic assassination in 1831. Guerrero's African root appears to have come mostly from the future president's father Pedro, who was in the almost entirely Afro-Mexican profession of mule driver. Vicente's mother Guadalupe was known for her light complexion. Vicente's political career appears to have started with his baptism. He was born in a period of quiet resistance to Spain's caste system: its occupational discriminations and racially different tax rates, military obligations, degrees of punishment for criminal offenses, etc. Acts of resistance to caste included poor record keeping. For instance, the priest of Guerrero's town of Tixtla broke caste rules and omitted racial designations on baptism certificates during the year of Vicente's birth. A year after Vicente's birth Father Saucedo Caballero was replaced in Tixtla by a priest who reinstated the required racial labe","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"148 - 159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350162","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 5

"... But There Are Miles to Go" Racial Diversity and the American Society of Newspaper Editors, 1922-2000 “…但还有很长的路要走”种族多样性与美国报纸编辑协会，1922-2000

The Journal of Negro history Pub Date : 2001-03-22 DOI: 10.2307/1350163

A. Pratte

{"title":"\"... But There Are Miles to Go\" Racial Diversity and the American Society of Newspaper Editors, 1922-2000","authors":"A. Pratte","doi":"10.2307/1350163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350163","url":null,"abstract":"Although receiving little attention beyond its own membership, a meeting in Dallas, October 6, 1990 was a turning point for one of the most neglected diversity encounters in American journalism. At its board meeting, directors of the 68-year-old American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE), the largest professional organization of its kind, elected William A. Hilliard, editor of the Portland Oregonian, to the office of treasurer in April, 1991. (1) As such, Hilliard rose on the ASNE leadership ladder to become the Society's first black president in 1993. (2) To a cynical few, Hilliard's election was yet another example of public relations and tokenism on the part of the predominately white, male society started with five members in 1922 and which has since become a major professional organization for 900 newspaper editors. Similar charges were made when members of the ASNE board of directors elected Katherine Fanning of The Christian Science Monitor treasurer and put her on the leadership ladder to become the first female ASNE president in 1987. For some, the lingering image of ASNE still is the 1950s photo appearing on the cover jacket of a 1974 history (3) of the Society showing dozens of smiling, all-white male editors displaying their hometown newspapers. Eight years later, ASNE president Thomas Winship of the Boston Globe condemned editors for their failure to encourage, recruit and hire minorities. Our casual attitude toward minority employment is particularly embarrassing because our mission is semipublic and because it is protected by constitutional guarantees. Yet newspapers, with a nearly all-white face, attempt to portray accurately a mixed society. (4) Nudged slightly by the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court ruling on integration of public schools, and the 1968 Kerner Commission's indictment of the media for its contribution to civil disorders, as well as by a handful of members such as Winship, ASNE belatedly exerted its collective influence to create an awareness and challenge to ASNE to provide greater institutional leadership. After a half century of inattention, ASNE eventually became a catalyst rather than a neutralizing agent to encourage its membership toward greater recruiting, hiring and promotion practices to integrate black and other minority journalists into the mainstream of American journalism. In 1998, however, representatives of minority journalism organizations and others charged that ASNE still needed to assume greater responsibility in the diversity effort. (5) At its first meeting of the new century, a report indicated that the quarter century effort to make newsrooms reflect America's racially diverse population had failed to narrow the gap. The ASNE president reported that although progress had been made \"there are miles to go.\" (6) The official Proceedings of the ASNE as well as minutes, correspondence, interviews, addresses by its presidents, and its Bulletin house organ help trace and document the issue which became on","PeriodicalId":83125,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Negro history","volume":"86 1","pages":"160 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2001-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/1350163","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68365608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1