Education, Ethnicity and National Integration in the History of Nigeria: Continuing Problems of Africa's Colonial Legacy

T. Davis, A. Kalu-Nwiwu
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引用次数: 44

Abstract

Nation-building is no simple process. History has demonstrated the difficult, complex, and varied developments needed to unite a people under a government and to create among them a stable cultural, economic, political, and social community. The process has been especially strenuous where the people to be united have included diverse, large groups distinguished by their own customs, language, or separate identity. In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, several of the nations that achieved independence during the decolonization of the 1950s and 1960s have continued to be beset by problems of integrating ethnic groups within the nation--as illustrated by the experience of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in West Africa. The colonial legacy of patently artificial borders drawn for the convenience of European conference tables bequeathed to many newly independent African nations a motley mix of people, each with their own separate ethnic loyalties and traditions. Nigeria's population well illustrates the diverse ethnicity encompassed within sub-Saharan nations that followed in the wake of Ghana's independence in 1957. Nigeria has a multitude of distinct ethnic and linguistic groups. The ethnic contentions among the largest of those groups--the Yoruba, Ibo, and Hausa-Fulani--have littered the pages of the new nation's history. (1) When Nigeria achieved independence from Great Britain in October 1960, like most other countries decolonized in Africa, it was a nation in name only. It existed as a political and legal entity, not as an effective and emotive identity. It was not a nation in the sense of community and common character. It was a state encompassing many ethnic nations, each claiming their own separate heritage, language, and culture. (2) At independence, Nigeria's peoples for the most part had not yet come to think of themselves as Nigerians. Ethnic loyalty took precedence over national identity. The nation's people identified themselves primarily as Hausa-Fulani, Ibo, or Yoruba, for example. Their identity as Nigerians lay in the shadow of their tribal and parochial allegiances. (3) Historical hostilities and rivalries among many of the peoples agglomerated within Nigeria accounted for some of the conflicted sense of common national identity. The colonial legacy contributed significantly, however, to furthering the collision of loyalties in the new nation. For instance, the structure of British colonial administration of the artificially drawn territory restricted development of a national consciousness within the broad expanse of Nigeria's borders. (4) Britain's practice of indirect rule in colonial Nigeria perpetuated separate ethnic and local identities. By using traditional native institutions and tractable tribal chieftains as their functionaries in exercising the doctrine of indirect rule that colonial administrator Frederick Lugard fashioned, the British sheltered the parochial political patterns of many ethnic groups. Particularly in the north, where Hausa-Fulani tribal leaders resisted European education, indirect rule contributed to the persistence of isolated tribal identity. (5) British regional government further compounded the persistence of separateness. Although united under a governor, colonial administration from 1906 to 1922 divided Nigeria into the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, which included Lagos, and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. That administration was further fragmented into the Northern, Eastern, and Western Regions maintained from 1922 to 1957, with the Federal Territory of Lagos created in 1954. These regions became essentially self-governing in 1960 at the time of Nigeria's independence as a tenuous federation. (6) The colonial structure maintained ethnic isolation and reinforced it with regionalism--a situation inherited by the independent nation. With the larger ethnic groups dominating the separate political regions, the colonial experience provided little basis for fusing ethnic groups in any common sense of nationalism. …
尼日利亚历史上的教育、种族和民族融合:非洲殖民遗产的持续问题
国家建设不是一个简单的过程。历史已经证明,要把一个人民团结在一个政府之下,并在他们中间建立一个稳定的文化、经济、政治和社会共同体,需要经历困难、复杂和多样的发展。这个过程特别艰苦,因为要联合的人包括各种各样的大群体,他们有自己的习俗、语言或不同的身份。例如,在撒哈拉以南非洲,在20世纪50年代和60年代的非殖民化期间取得独立的几个国家继续受到民族内部整合问题的困扰——西非的尼日利亚联邦共和国的经验说明了这一点。为方便欧洲会议桌而划定的明显人为边界的殖民遗产,给许多新独立的非洲国家留下了形形色色的人,每个人都有自己独立的民族忠诚和传统。尼日利亚的人口很好地说明了1957年加纳独立后撒哈拉以南国家的种族多样性。尼日利亚有许多不同的民族和语言群体。其中最大的族群——约鲁巴人、伊博人和豪萨-富拉尼人——之间的种族纷争在这个新国家的历史上留下了许多痕迹。当尼日利亚于1960年10月从英国手中获得独立时,就像大多数非洲非殖民化国家一样,它只是一个有名无实的国家。它是作为一个政治和法律实体存在的,而不是作为一个有效的和情感的身份。它不是一个具有共同体和共同特征的国家。这是一个由许多民族组成的国家,每个民族都有自己独特的遗产、语言和文化。在独立时,尼日利亚的大多数人还没有开始认为自己是尼日利亚人。对民族的忠诚优先于对国家的认同。例如,这个国家的人民认为自己主要是豪萨-富拉尼人、伊博人或约鲁巴人。他们作为尼日利亚人的身份隐藏在部落和地方忠诚的阴影之下。(3)聚集在尼日利亚境内的许多民族之间历史上的敌对和对抗,在某种程度上造成了共同民族认同的冲突。然而,殖民主义的遗产极大地促进了这个新国家中忠诚的冲突。例如,英国对人为划定的领土的殖民管理结构限制了尼日利亚广阔边界内民族意识的发展。英国在尼日利亚殖民地实行的间接统治延续了不同的种族和地方身份。通过使用传统的本土机构和易驾驭的部落酋长作为他们的官员,行使殖民统治者弗雷德里克·卢加德(Frederick Lugard)塑造的间接统治原则,英国人庇护了许多种族群体的狭隘政治模式。特别是在北部,豪萨-富拉尼部落领导人抵制欧洲教育,间接统治促成了孤立部落身份的持续存在。英国地方政府进一步加剧了分离的持久性。虽然尼日利亚统一在一个总督的统治下,但从1906年到1922年的殖民政府将尼日利亚划分为包括拉各斯在内的南尼日利亚殖民地和保护国,以及北尼日利亚保护国。从1922年到1957年,政府进一步分裂为北部、东部和西部地区,1954年建立拉各斯联邦直辖区。这些地区在1960年尼日利亚独立时成为一个脆弱的联邦,基本上是自治的。殖民结构维持了种族隔离,并以地区主义加强了这种隔离——这是独立国家所继承的局面。由于较大的民族群体统治着独立的政治区域,殖民经验几乎没有为在任何民族主义常识中融合民族群体提供基础。…
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