Ethnology最新文献

{"title":"Pre-Funerals in Contemporary Japan: The Making of a New Ceremony of Later Life among Aging Japanese","authors":"Satsuki Kawano","doi":"10.2307/3773951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773951","url":null,"abstract":"Managing an increasingly negative view of old age as the time of decline, older persons in Japan have shaped pre-funerals as ceremonies of later life celebrating their agency, self-sufficiency, and personal pleasure in steering their remaining years. Whereas new policies have been employed to handle the growing social and economic stress of eldercare on the nation's shrinking younger population, pre-funerals ceremonially engage Japan's aging society, where longevity is considered not a gift but a burden. Using symbols and practices found in various life-cycle rites in Japan, during pre-funerals aging persons express their gratitude and say goodbye to those close to them. By designing, conducting, and consuming their own pre-funerals, older persons playfully construct an age-specific ideal of independence against a treasured, mainstream value of mutual dependence. (Aging, ceremony, life course, Japan, personhood) ********** Longevity's recent increasing presence in Japan has undermined its cultural value. Older persons today are reconsidering the meaning of a long life in their family and social lives, but also ceremonially. Japanese folklore studies show that people's desire for achieving long life pervaded customary celebrations, which were conducted for persons aged 61, 77, and 88 (Tomaru 1978). Celebrating older persons for achieving the culturally desired condition of advanced age, these ceremonies also sanctified the life force that ensured the well-being and long life of fellow community members. The desire for prolonging life was also present in other ceremonial occasions, as when sharing food symbolizing longevity during the New Year celebration, when all people grew one year older together. Although people today still participate in ritual activity for seeking and honoring longevity, it is on a reduced scale. Due to the \"gift of mass longevity\" (Plath 1980), long life is a destiny for most. Japan is known for having one of the longest life expectancies in the world: 85 years for women and 78 for men (Mainichi Interactive News 2002). Older persons today sometimes reject the value of long life, stating that they do not mind living long as long as they have their health. Long life otherwise implies a burden; it is tied to physical and mental decline. A 76-year-old woman put it bluntly: \"I pray to deities that I would not live long. I don't want to live long and become a nuisance (meiwaku) to others.\" By painting grim futures for the world's most rapidly aging society, policymakers amplify uncertainties surrounding old age. Considering the declining fertility rate, they say there will be too few of the younger generation to pay for pensions and medical care for the rising number of elderly. The social-security system, policymakers add, will go bankrupt without serious reforms. This sense of crisis led to the implementation of new policies such as the Long-Term Nursing Insurance (kaigo hoken) to cope with a growing elderly population. If in t","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"155-165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773951","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Domestic space, habitus, and Xhosa ritual beer-drinking","authors":"P. Mcallister","doi":"10.2307/3773949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773949","url":null,"abstract":"Xhosa beer-drinking rituals are structured according to several principles, among which the spatial order of domestic settings features prominently. An analysis of beer-drink rituals, however, requires that abstract notions of how they are structured spatially be understood in conjunction with practice, in which the spatial norms are applied in specific events and vary in meaning according to the particular variant of the ritual. Spatial symbolism also may be manipulated, modified, or subverted, according to specific circumstances affecting the participants. In addition, every beer-drink ritual (and thus the meaning of its spatial symbolism) has to be understood in relation to both previous and forthcoming events. (Xhosa beer-drink rituals, domestic space, habitus) ********** Among rural Xhosa-speakers in South Africa's Eastern Province, ritual commonly takes the form of highly stylized, communal beer-drinking, held for a variety of purposes. These are public events that take place in individual homes, and their characteristics are closely related to the way in which Xhosa people design and use their homesteads. This article examines the way in which domestic space is used in beer-drinking rituals and the way in which this use of space is related to everyday social practice and to past practices; namely, certain historical developments influencing contemporary social life. The literature on the ritual use of domestic space in southern Africa is sparse, but there have been some prominent structuralist analyses of the spatial organization of southern Bantu homesteads, notably by Adam Kuper (1982, 1993). Structuralist and structural-functionalist analyses of spatial symbolism are limited by their static and formal nature, and this becomes apparent in the case of Xhosa beer-drink rituals once they are viewed as a form of practice, in Bourdieu's sense of the word, rather than as a manifestation of a structural order (Bourdieu 1977, 1990). The Nguni residential unit occupied by a family, argues Kuper, is a basic economic, kinship, territorial, and political unit, and its physical layout is not only closely related to the way in which the domestic group is organized, but is also \"a symbolic representation of principles of the socio-cosmic system ... [and] corresponds very generally with indigenous ideas about social organisation\" (Kuper 1993:473). In his view, the organization of domestic space has been relatively constant for a thousand years and is based chiefly on a set of binary oppositions such as left and right, above and below, inside and outside, through which normative social principles based on agnation, genealogical seniority, gender, order of marriage, and the ranking of wives are expressed and reinforced. The model is also a general one, extending beyond the domestic unit, encompassing \"ideas about the organization of the world ... [and] the organization of the state\" (Kuper 1993:472-73). So the social principles in terms of which domestic ","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"27 1","pages":"117-135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773949","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Money That Burns Like Oil: A Sri Lankan Cultural Logic of Morality and Agency","authors":"M. Gamburd","doi":"10.2307/3773952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773952","url":null,"abstract":"New labor opportunities have drawn Sri Lankan women to work as domestic servants in the Middle East. Many migrants complain that their remittances \"burn like oil,\" disappearing without a trace. The gendered discourse on burning remittances both draws on and contradicts an older cultural system that fetishizes money. The emerging logic provides symbolic resources for women to spend their remittances on advancements for the nuclear family, distancing themselves from other kin. (Migration, remittances, fetishism, Sri Lanka, Middle East) ********** During an interview in May 2000, Nilani, who had worked for five years as a domestic servant in the Middle East, passionately remarked, \"The money you earn abroad--you have to use it right away, or it will just disappear. That money burns like oil!\" She explained that because employers begrudged paying their servants' wages, their ill will and dislike tainted the housemaid's money. Many such Sri Lankan labor migrants felt that unless a woman and her family used the money quickly, something bad would happen to take it away from them. Since the early 1980s, labor migration from Sri Lanka has burgeoned, reaching nearly one million individuals in 2002 (SLBFE 2003). In 2003, the Sri Lankan Bureau of Foreign Employment (SLBFE) estimated that 680,000 women were working abroad, over 80 per cent of them as housemaids in the Middle East (SLBFE 2003). (2) For the past dozen years, I have conducted ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Naeaegama, situated near the main coastal highway in southern Sri Lanka. (3) Many married and some unmarried women from Naeaegama go abroad repeatedly on two-year contracts, leaving behind husbands, children, and other family members, to whom they remit money. Over the years, the Sri Lankan government has grown increasingly dependent on labor migration to relieve local unemployment and bring in much-needed foreign exchange. Consequently, individuals, communities, and political institutions develop ever-more intricate and binding ties to the global economy (Gamburd 2003). As they pursue these labor opportunities, Naeaegama women attribute new sorts of agentive force to fate, emotions, and money. Local people approach the phenomenon of burning remittances with degrees of literalness, ranging from a metaphoric sense of alienation (as if the worker's social circumstances took away her control over her wages) to an attribution of lifelike power and agency to the money itself. Migrants and their families currently use discourses about the agency of money (both metaphoric and fetishized) to justify new financial strategies and decrease their obligations to distant kin. An older discourse about exchange correlates with a local social structure of extended family solidarity, which provides social insurance but levels out individual advancement. The emerging discourse about exchange retains many of the social and moral components of the older system, including an attribution of agency to money","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"167-184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773952","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The people of the lower Arafundi: Tropical foragers of the New Guinea rainforest","authors":"P. Roscoe, B. Telban","doi":"10.2307/3773948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773948","url":null,"abstract":"Ethnographic work in the Sepik Basin of New Guinea has been heavily biased toward the region's more dense and culturally elaborated communities. This article uses archival documentation and the results of rapid ethnographic surveys to reconstruct the contact-era ethnography of one of its lesser-known groups, the Lower Arafundi. The Lower Arafundi people were ethnographically significant as foragers of the tropical rainforest, as progenitors of a rock art tradition, and as one of a small circle of human societies that claim not to recognize paternity. (Hunters and gatherers, tropical foragers, New Guinea, Sepik, Lower Arafundi) ********** Although the Sepik Basin of New Guinea was home to a contact population of only 300,000 to 500,000 people, it was among the most linguistically diverse regions on Earth, its inhabitants speaking well over 200 languages and at least twice that number of dialects (Laycock 1973:54). Notwithstanding this diversity, however, the Sepik has received much less anthropological attention than other areas of New Guinea, and its ethnographic coverage has been highly uneven. Most attention has focused on the large, high-density, artistically and ritually prolific groups of the Middle Sepik River and Maprik regions. The Abelam around Maprik, for example, have received sustained attention from at least eleven fieldworkers and more fleeting attention from more than six others. A similar order of interest has been applied to the Iatmul of the Middle Sepik. By contrast, fewer than ten scholars have conducted sustained fieldwork among the more than 70 smaller-scale, low-density societies of the whole of lowland Sandaun (West Sepik) Province. To avoid the biases imposed by anthropological field choices and achieve a more balanced understanding of Sepik contact-era ethnography, more attention has to be directed to these lesser-known groups. Unfortunately, with Western contact now more than a century along, such a task is increasingly difficult, and the likelihood of understanding much of the cultural context that motivated and informed contact-era behavior is slight. But for sketches of the broad contours of subsistence, settlement, social organization, and ritual life the situation is more hopeful. Anthropologists may have skirted most of the Sepik's less elaborate cultures, but they were not ignored by other Western agents. A surprisingly extensive, largely unpublished documentary record was left by various Sepik explorers, labor recruiters, missionaries, administrative officers, linguists, and occasional passing anthropologists. A major aim of this article is to demonstrate that considerably more usable ethnographic information exists in these sources than is commonly assumed. Unfortunately, it is unrealistic simply to expect anthropologists to exploit this literature. For one thing, the costs in time and labor of gathering, translating, collating, and analyzing these scattered, often unpublished sources are enormous. For another,","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"93-115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773948","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Discourse shopping in a dispute over land in rural Indonesia","authors":"R. Biezeveld","doi":"10.2307/3773950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773950","url":null,"abstract":"In Indonesia, since the time of colonial government, the main source for the determination of land rights has been local, indigenous law. Nonetheless, the state has always attempted to influence the way land is managed. This article traces the changes in justification for this influence, with the example of a conflict over land in a Sumatran village. Every actor in the dispute makes his own choice of argument, and creates his own interpretation of facts, rules, and norms. Not only do legal arguments play a role, but political, cultural, and historical arguments are used. This phenomenon may be called discourse shopping. (Land rights, legal pluralism, Indonesia, dispute settlement, social change) ********** Since the start of active colonial administration of Indonesian internal affairs, the government has influenced the way in which local communities deal with property rights. Periods of liberalism, \"ethical politics,\" and independence all needed different conceptualizations of property rights. Ethical politics was opposed to the liberalism of colonial policy and showed a \"paternalistic concern for the welfare of Indonesia's native population, presumed to be threatened by untrammeled commercial development and westernisation\" (Kahn 1993:187). Indigenous property rights, contained in adat (customary law), had to be adapted and manipulated for this purpose (von Benda-Beckmann and von Benda-Beckmann 1999). The different interests of the parties and the subsequent differing ways in which adat was interpreted have led to a situation in which the status of many plots of land is not clear. Communal land especially suffered from this insecurity, since both the concept of communities as well as the rights they could or should exercise on the land were often changed. At this moment, the Indonesian legal system is still one of overt legal pluralism, with adat, state law, and religious law all being recognized by the state. (2) Property rights are still a source of great insecurity in contemporary Indonesia. With the Basic Agrarian Law of 1960 and the constitution of 1945, the government has given itself the right to contest village rights to natural resources, including communal land and water sources, in the name of the public interest. This has led to numerous conflicts in which, until recently, the voice of villagers was muted by the ruling elite. The land dispute in this article illustrates this kind of insecurity. Arguments appear to be framed in a vocabulary that is thought to be appropriate and likely to be effective. As Tanner (1969:24) indicates, \"law, religious and customary principles, and new values are not simply guidelines for dispute settlement, but become, often in the context of protracted discussion and deliberation, the currency of symbolic barter.\" This means that people do not automatically use the arguments with which they would be identified first, or choose the vocabulary which they would be expected to use according to their place i","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"137-154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773950","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996397","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nagotooh(gahni): The bonding between mother and child in Shoshoni tradition","authors":"D. Gould, M. Głowacka","doi":"10.2307/3773953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773953","url":null,"abstract":"This essay discusses a traditional model of the maternal nurturing of newborn babies in the Shoshoni tradition from a native-language perspective. It examines the 30-day period of confinement called nagotooh(gahni), which was viewed as a symbolic extension of a mother's womb (no'aabi). Nagotooh(gahni) implied behavioral and dietary prescriptions and recommendations that guided a woman during a socially structured transition to motherhood. (Confinement practices, mother-infant interactions, nagotooh(gahni), Shoshoni) ********** Existing studies on different models of maternal nurturing of infants show that early mother-infant interactions are culturally structured (Valsiner 1989; Trudelle-Schwartz 1997; DeLoache and Gottlieb 2000) and exercise a major influence on the child's physical, cognitive, and socioemotional development (Murray and Cooper 1997; Hay et al. 2001; Mantyma et al. 2003). In those models, maternal care is shaped by the sociocultural beliefs about mothering and nurturing of infants, and is often directed to the development of the child's personality characteristics that ate particularly valued in a given community. For instance, in the Navajo culture, newborn babies were symbolically molded in order to develop their physical beauty and strength (Trudelle-Schwartz 1997:135); in Hopi tradition, newborns were kept inside the house for twenty days and nurtured by their mothers and symbolically by a perfect ear of corn (tsotsmingwu, corn mother), before being introduced to the sun and the community (Parsons 1991). In Shoshoni tradition, the process of becoming a mother began at conception; however, the status of (dam)bia' (mother) was ascribed to a woman during nagotooh(gahni), a 30-day retreat (earlier, a 60-day period for the first child) that took place in a small house (gahni) constructed by a woman's family. Nagotooh(gahni) served as the preparation of the newborns to enter the Shoshoni sociocultural world. After giving birth, the mother and her newborn baby (ohnaa') were considered to be in a transitional stage of life characterized by susceptibility to harm; therefore, both had to remain in intimate seclusion until a socially structured process of transition was completed. During that time the mother, with the help of her female family members, used traditional knowledge to protect a place of confinement from harmful forces. Nagotooh(gahni), a time of postnatal care, was viewed as an extension of the mother's womb (no'aabi). (2) The term nagotooh(gahni) is composed of three words: naa (self), gotoo' (to make tire), and gahni (house), and can be translated as \"to build tire within oneself (while in the house).\" During nagotooh(gahni), fire was maintained day and night in a place of confinement. It symbolized life and warmth of the mother's womb. Nagotooh(gahni) is a part of Deniwape, a Shoshoni way of life. Deniwape represents traditional knowledge, passed down through generations within family lines. On a metaphorical level, Den","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"185-191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773953","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68996513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ethnographic Atlas XXX: Peoples of Siberia","authors":"Andrey Korotayev, A. Kazankov, S. Borinskaya, D. Khaltourina, D. Bondarenko","doi":"10.2307/3773857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773857","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most famous and important enterprises undertaken by the journal Ethnology was the publication of George Peter Murdock's Ethnographic Atlas. This started with the first issues of Ethnology in 1962 as a series of installments. Installments continued to appear in Ethnology every year, and Volume 6 no. 2 (1967) published a summary on 862 better-described cultures (already characterized in the previous installments). That same year the University of Pittsburgh Press published a summary volume of the Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock 1967). The Atlas continued to be published in Ethnology in installments until 1971. The last installment (no. 29) was published in 1980 (Barry 1980). The 29 installments of the Ethnographic Atlas contain formalized information on 1,267 cultures of the world. No summary volume containing information on all these societies has yet appeared. However, the data are available in electronic form (Murdock et al. 1999). (A publication of the complete printed version of the Ethnographic Atlas, especially with maps, would be very desirable.) Since the appearance of the summary volume in 1967, the Ethnographic Atlas has become the largest (by the number of formally described cultures) and the most widely used ethnographic database in the world. Against this background, the first two authors of this article wrote the following: [W]e believe in the indispensable importance of Murdock's Ethnographic Atlas database. The \"representative\" samples (like the Standard Cross-Cultural one, or the HRAF 60-culture Probability Sample) should be regarded, to a considerable extent, defective, just because in most cases they do not make it possible to study sociocultural regularities of the second type [i.e., observed within particular types of cultures only]. Irrespective of their certain undeniable merits, in no way the respective databases could be treated as genuine substitutes for the Ethnographic Atlas. Hence, no other event affected the development of worldwide cross-cultural research so negatively as the virtual termination, in 1980, of all new work on the Ethnographic Atlas. Not a single case has been added to the 1267 cases that had been accumulated by that time, even though the project was very far from completion (e.g. in the version available now one would not find any information on hundreds of ethnographically well-described cultures, first of all of Eurasia). Thus, the revival of work on the Ethnographic Atlas should be regarded as the most pressing current task of the worldwide cross-cultural researchers. Therefore, this paper should also be regarded as an invitation to our colleagues to think about the practical ways to resume this. (Korotayev and Kazankov 2003:50-51) Our appeal has resulted in the resumption of work in this direction, the first results of which we present in this publication. One of the most evident defects of the Ethnographic Atlas in its present form is the poor representation of the cultures of the former So","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"83-92"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773857","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68994501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The raw and the rotten: Punk cuisine","authors":"Dylan Clark","doi":"10.4324/9780203079751-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203079751-25","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the ideological content of punk cuisine, a subcultural food system with its own grammar, logic, exclusions, and symbolism. As a shared system of praxis, punk cuisine helps to articulate subcultural identity, purpose, and politics. In the case of Seattle punks in the late twentieth century, their cuisine served to critique Whiteness, corporate-capitalism, patriarchy, environmental destruction, and consumerism. (Subculture, food, capitalism, modernity, crime, Whiteness, veganism) ********** Having been moved 2,000 miles to the north of its original home on the Rio Grande, a steel government sign was placed along the colorful fence of the Black Cat Cafe in Seattle, and there it retained something of its original meaning. It was a small white sign with black letters which announced, \"U.S. Border.\" On one side, land administered by the United States; on the other, the sign implied, a space beyond the reach of the American state: an autonomous region. For five years, this zone was a haven for people called punks and their kindred spirits, (2) an assortment of young adults who exercised and debated punk praxis in and through the premises. At the Cat, punks read, talked, smoked, and ate. They chewed ideas and articulated dietary practices, and rehashed their experiences with one another. Being punk is a way of critiquing privileges and challenging social hierarchies. Contemporary punks are generally inspired by anarchism, which they understand to be a way of life in favor of egalitarianism and environmentalism and against sexism, racism, and corporate domination. This ideology shows up in punk routines: in their conversations, their travels, and in their approach to food. Food practices mark ideological moments: eating is a cauldron for the domination of states, races, genders, ideologies, and the practice through which these discourses are resisted. Indeed, as Weiss (1996:130) argues, \"Certain qualities of food make it the most appropriate vehicle for describing alienation.\" The theory and practice of punk cuisine gain clarity when they are viewed through the work of Claude LeviStrauss (1969), who saw the process of cooking food as the quintessential means through which humans differentiate themselves from animals, and through which they make culture and civilization. Levi-Strauss's tripolar gastronomic system defines raw, cooked, and rotten as categories basic to all human cuisines. This model is useful for analyzing punk cuisine, and thereby punk culture. Yet this article also toys with the model, using it to give voice to the ardent critics of \"civilization.\" Many punks associate the \"civilizing\" process of producing and transforming food with the human domination of nature and with White, male, corporate supremacy. Punks believe that industrial food fills a person's body with the norms, rationales, and moral pollution of corporate capitalism and imperialism. Punks reject such \"poisons\" and do not want to be mistaken for bei","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"19-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70574585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A permissive zone for prostitution in the Middle Atlas of Morocco","authors":"B. Venema, J. Bakker","doi":"10.2307/3773855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773855","url":null,"abstract":"Muslim women are said to live in a male-dominated society with rigid sexual stratification: the seclusion and control of the sexual practices of a woman increase a man's status and power. This view has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in Morocco, as elsewhere. In reality, among the Berber people of the Middle Atlas, many divorced and widowed women see no economic alternative to becoming a prostitute. Cultural and global conditions have made the area a permissive zone for prostitution because of the local tradition of ritual dances that act as a marriage market, the absence of a focus on virginity, and because retired prostitutes can regain the respect of their community. Since the 1960s, Moroccan migrants returning temporarily home and male tourists from neighboring countries have given the Middle Atlas the reputation of a permissive zone for prostitution. (Berber, Morocco, prostitution, globalization) ********** A common perception is that honor is a critical theme for explaining status, power, and gender in Middle Eastern and North African society. Women especially feel the consequences of this as their reputation is of the utmost importance in upholding family honor. Virginity and chastity are central elements of this honor, so women's behavior is strictly controlled by having them married off early, veiled, and prevented from playing a role in the public domain. The theory is that women have a symbolic function for groups that strive for honor and superiority (Haddad 1998; Abu Lughod 1989; Peristiany 1968, 1966), so the behavior of women is used as an ideological instrument in the concern for status. The seclusion and control of their sexual practices increases a man's prestige: the crucial factor is women's modesty. Women who break the norms for their gender are subjected to social reprobation and occupy a marginal position in society. Women who cross the boundaries by working, remaining single, or entering the public sphere are stigmatized. Sex outside of marriage is condemned because unchecked instincts may lead to fitna (chaos) (Obermeyer 2000:241). This traditional cultural explanation has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in North African societies as elsewhere in the Muslim world. Over the last few decades, many people have adopted a lifestyle based on a more strict and orthodox interpretation of Islam, and women's sexuality is controlled in order to pressure them to become the bearers of constructed group identities (Ilkkaracan 2000:764, 765; Esposito 1998:xvi). The veil is undergoing a remarkable resurgence among Moroccan urban-dwellers (particularly among rich and middle-class families) and political parties have adopted the Sharia as the basis of moral order. Some Muslim populations have a more liberal view of religious praxis. The Berbers of the countryside are virtually pagans, say the orthodox and Arab people of the urban centers in Morocco (NRC Handelsblad 2002; Venema and Bakker 1994:8-","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"51-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773855","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Development and the Life Story of a Thai Farmer Leader","authors":"Henry D. Delcore","doi":"10.2307/3773854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773854","url":null,"abstract":"In the anthropology of development, the contributions of poststructuralist theory have been marred by tendencies toward discursive determinism and an inadequate theorizing of agency. The life history approach is a strategy for probing the cultural politics of development in a way that better addresses the reality of development actors. Development does not just determine what counts as knowledge or truth, but also opens opportunities for individual cultural experiments. Richard Fox's concept of the \"cultured life\" is here used to explore the various cultural and political entanglements in the life of a northern Thai farmer who has helped pioneer a new form of agricultural development in Thailand. (Development, life history, NGOs, agency, Thailand) ********** In the 1990s, the anthropology of development saw a move toward poststructuralism and an approach to \"development as discourse\" (Apffel-Marglin and Marglin 1990; Escobar 1995; Ferguson 1994; Sachs 1992). Yet criticisms of the poststructuralist approach to development noted its overemphasis on the uniformity of development discourse (Grillo 1997; Gupta 1998), a tendency toward \"discursive determinism\" (Moore 1999), and an inadequate theorization of agency (Moore 1999; Sivaramakrishnan and Agrawal 1998). This article attempts to demonstrate the merits of the life history approach as an avenue of analysis in the anthropology of development that can address some of these problems. It does so by presenting the \"cultured life\" (Fox 1991) of a northern Thai farmer leader, Berm, who in the 1980s and 1990s became entangled with the politics of development in Thailand and with struggles over development intervention in his home village and district. Berm was confronted with various challenges, including changing livelihood options and the opportunity to become involved in nongovernmental organization (NGO) development efforts. He creatively engaged the challenges and opportunities in ways consistent with his cultural background, gender, class position, place in local politics, and personal inclinations. Far from a benighted victim of the discursive straitjacket of development, Berm emerged as an influential local figure who appropriated Thai development for personal and political projects that engaged yet also transcended the discourse and material process of development identified by poststructuralist analysts. THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT The poststructuralist direction in the anthropology of development drew particularly on the work of Foucault. This showed that the analysis of development as a discourse could highlight the processes of knowledge and subject production wrought by institutions and actors in the global economy. In his account of the development \"apparatus\" in Lesotho in the 1980s, Ferguson (1994) argues that although development interventions most often fail to achieve their stated objectives, they nonetheless have important, if unintended, consequences. In Lesotho, development pri","PeriodicalId":81209,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology","volume":"43 1","pages":"33-50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/3773854","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68993805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}