Domestic space, habitus, and Xhosa ritual beer-drinking

Ethnology Pub Date : 2004-03-22 DOI:10.2307/3773949
P. Mcallister
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

Xhosa beer-drinking rituals are structured according to several principles, among which the spatial order of domestic settings features prominently. An analysis of beer-drink rituals, however, requires that abstract notions of how they are structured spatially be understood in conjunction with practice, in which the spatial norms are applied in specific events and vary in meaning according to the particular variant of the ritual. Spatial symbolism also may be manipulated, modified, or subverted, according to specific circumstances affecting the participants. In addition, every beer-drink ritual (and thus the meaning of its spatial symbolism) has to be understood in relation to both previous and forthcoming events. (Xhosa beer-drink rituals, domestic space, habitus) ********** Among rural Xhosa-speakers in South Africa's Eastern Province, ritual commonly takes the form of highly stylized, communal beer-drinking, held for a variety of purposes. These are public events that take place in individual homes, and their characteristics are closely related to the way in which Xhosa people design and use their homesteads. This article examines the way in which domestic space is used in beer-drinking rituals and the way in which this use of space is related to everyday social practice and to past practices; namely, certain historical developments influencing contemporary social life. The literature on the ritual use of domestic space in southern Africa is sparse, but there have been some prominent structuralist analyses of the spatial organization of southern Bantu homesteads, notably by Adam Kuper (1982, 1993). Structuralist and structural-functionalist analyses of spatial symbolism are limited by their static and formal nature, and this becomes apparent in the case of Xhosa beer-drink rituals once they are viewed as a form of practice, in Bourdieu's sense of the word, rather than as a manifestation of a structural order (Bourdieu 1977, 1990). The Nguni residential unit occupied by a family, argues Kuper, is a basic economic, kinship, territorial, and political unit, and its physical layout is not only closely related to the way in which the domestic group is organized, but is also "a symbolic representation of principles of the socio-cosmic system ... [and] corresponds very generally with indigenous ideas about social organisation" (Kuper 1993:473). In his view, the organization of domestic space has been relatively constant for a thousand years and is based chiefly on a set of binary oppositions such as left and right, above and below, inside and outside, through which normative social principles based on agnation, genealogical seniority, gender, order of marriage, and the ranking of wives are expressed and reinforced. The model is also a general one, extending beyond the domestic unit, encompassing "ideas about the organization of the world ... [and] the organization of the state" (Kuper 1993:472-73). So the social principles in terms of which domestic space is structured, such as the allocation of certain huts to wives in terms of their ranked order, are the same principles that govern the political structure (e.g., the ranking of territorial divisions of the chiefdom). Kuper's structuralist approach receives support from archaeologists, such as Huffman (1982), who have identified a general southern Bantu "culture system" expressed in settlement pattern. While providing useful insights into Nguni social structural principles and the ways in which these are relevant in the political sphere, this kind of approach has been criticized for its limitations in analyzing the everyday use and meaning of space (Moore 1986). Similar criticisms have been leveled at Bourdieu's analysis of the Berber house (Bourdieu 1973), which he described as "perhaps the last work I wrote as a blissful structuralist" (1990:9). To be brought to life, a focus on an enduring structural and abstract order or a set of organizing principles needs attention to the everyday social practices through which meaning emerges. …
家庭空间,习惯,和科萨人喝啤酒的仪式
科萨人喝啤酒的仪式是根据几个原则来组织的,其中家庭环境的空间顺序是突出的。然而,对啤酒饮用仪式的分析需要将其空间结构的抽象概念与实践结合起来理解,其中空间规范应用于特定事件,并根据仪式的特定变体而具有不同的意义。根据影响参与者的具体情况,空间象征主义也可能被操纵、修改或颠覆。此外,每个喝啤酒的仪式(以及它的空间象征意义)都必须与之前和即将发生的事件联系起来理解。(科萨人喝啤酒的仪式,家庭空间,习惯)**********在南非东部省份讲科萨语的农村地区,仪式通常采取高度程式化的公共喝啤酒的形式,有各种各样的目的。这些都是在个人家中举行的公共活动,它们的特点与科萨人设计和使用家园的方式密切相关。本文考察了家庭空间在啤酒饮用仪式中的使用方式,以及这种空间使用方式与日常社会实践和过去实践的关系;即某些影响当代社会生活的历史发展。关于南部非洲家庭空间的仪式使用的文献很少,但有一些著名的结构主义者分析了南部班图人家园的空间组织,特别是亚当·库珀(1982年,1993年)。结构主义和结构功能主义对空间象征主义的分析受到其静态和形式性质的限制,这在科萨人喝啤酒仪式的情况下变得很明显,一旦它们被视为一种实践形式,在布迪厄的意义上,而不是作为一种结构秩序的表现(布迪厄1977.1990)。Kuper认为,恩古尼家庭居住单位是一个基本的经济、亲属关系、领土和政治单位,其物理布局不仅与家庭群体的组织方式密切相关,而且也是“社会宇宙系统原则的象征性代表……[并且]非常普遍地符合关于社会组织的土著思想”(Kuper 1993:473)。在他看来,一千年来,家庭空间的组织一直相对稳定,主要基于左与右、上与下、内与外等二元对立,通过这些二元对立,以宗族、宗谱资历、性别、婚姻顺序和妻子等级为基础的规范性社会原则得以表达和加强。这个模型也是一个通用模型,超越了家庭单位,包含了“关于世界组织的想法……[和]国家的组织”(Kuper 1993:472-73)。因此,家庭空间结构的社会原则,例如根据等级顺序将某些小屋分配给妻子,与统治政治结构的原则是相同的(例如,酋长领地划分的等级)。Kuper的结构主义方法得到了考古学家的支持,如Huffman(1982),他们已经确定了一个以聚落模式表达的普遍的南部班图“文化系统”。虽然这种方法提供了对恩古尼社会结构原则的有用见解,以及这些原则与政治领域相关的方式,但这种方法因其在分析空间的日常使用和意义方面的局限性而受到批评(Moore 1986)。布迪厄对柏柏尔人住宅的分析也遭到了类似的批评(布迪厄1973),他将其描述为“也许是我作为一个幸福的结构主义者所写的最后一部作品”(1990:9)。关注持久的结构和抽象秩序或一套组织原则需要关注日常的社会实践,而意义正是通过这些实践产生的。…
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