摩洛哥中部阿特拉斯的一个卖淫区

Ethnology Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI:10.2307/3773855
B. Venema, J. Bakker
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Since the 1960s, Moroccan migrants returning temporarily home and male tourists from neighboring countries have given the Middle Atlas the reputation of a permissive zone for prostitution. (Berber, Morocco, prostitution, globalization) ********** A common perception is that honor is a critical theme for explaining status, power, and gender in Middle Eastern and North African society. Women especially feel the consequences of this as their reputation is of the utmost importance in upholding family honor. Virginity and chastity are central elements of this honor, so women's behavior is strictly controlled by having them married off early, veiled, and prevented from playing a role in the public domain. The theory is that women have a symbolic function for groups that strive for honor and superiority (Haddad 1998; Abu Lughod 1989; Peristiany 1968, 1966), so the behavior of women is used as an ideological instrument in the concern for status. The seclusion and control of their sexual practices increases a man's prestige: the crucial factor is women's modesty. Women who break the norms for their gender are subjected to social reprobation and occupy a marginal position in society. Women who cross the boundaries by working, remaining single, or entering the public sphere are stigmatized. Sex outside of marriage is condemned because unchecked instincts may lead to fitna (chaos) (Obermeyer 2000:241). This traditional cultural explanation has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in North African societies as elsewhere in the Muslim world. Over the last few decades, many people have adopted a lifestyle based on a more strict and orthodox interpretation of Islam, and women's sexuality is controlled in order to pressure them to become the bearers of constructed group identities (Ilkkaracan 2000:764, 765; Esposito 1998:xvi). The veil is undergoing a remarkable resurgence among Moroccan urban-dwellers (particularly among rich and middle-class families) and political parties have adopted the Sharia as the basis of moral order. Some Muslim populations have a more liberal view of religious praxis. The Berbers of the countryside are virtually pagans, say the orthodox and Arab people of the urban centers in Morocco (NRC Handelsblad 2002; Venema and Bakker 1994:8-10). But stricter practices have even become more common among rural populations. For example, the female dancers and singers among the Berber-speaking Chaouias in Algeria used to be hired by farmers to perform at harvest festivals. Their performance consisted of religious songs interchanged with bawdy love songs that contained suggestive proposals to which the harvesters replied gleefully. The women performed only on a temporary basis and their work was not perceived as indecent. However, since the spread of a more rigid and orthodox version of Islam in Algeria, these groups are no longer able to perform (Encyclopedie Berbere 1991:1223, 1224). The honor/shame complex places men and women in an opposition which may end up as a \"harem theory,\" argues Abu Lughod (1989). In this perspective there is a high degree of gender segregation, with women having a world of their own, and being idle, submissive, and veiled. 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Sex outside of marriage is condemned because unchecked instincts may lead to fitna (chaos) (Obermeyer 2000:241). This traditional cultural explanation has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in North African societies as elsewhere in the Muslim world. Over the last few decades, many people have adopted a lifestyle based on a more strict and orthodox interpretation of Islam, and women's sexuality is controlled in order to pressure them to become the bearers of constructed group identities (Ilkkaracan 2000:764, 765; Esposito 1998:xvi). The veil is undergoing a remarkable resurgence among Moroccan urban-dwellers (particularly among rich and middle-class families) and political parties have adopted the Sharia as the basis of moral order. Some Muslim populations have a more liberal view of religious praxis. 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引用次数: 14

摘要

据说穆斯林女性生活在男性主导的社会中,有着严格的性别分层:女性对性行为的隔离和控制增加了男性的地位和权力。与其他地方一样,这一观点与摩洛哥的伊斯兰化进程更加相关。事实上,在中阿特拉斯的柏柏尔人中,许多离婚和丧偶的妇女认为,除了成为妓女,没有其他经济选择。文化和全球条件使该地区成为允许卖淫的地区,因为当地传统的仪式舞蹈作为婚姻市场,不注重童贞,因为退休的妓女可以重新获得社区的尊重。自20世纪60年代以来,摩洛哥移民临时返回家园,以及来自邻国的男性游客,给中阿特拉斯带来了卖淫容身之地的名声。(柏柏尔人,摩洛哥,卖淫,全球化)**********在中东和北非社会,荣誉是解释地位、权力和性别的关键主题。女性尤其会感受到这种后果,因为她们的声誉对维护家庭荣誉至关重要。处女和贞操是这一荣誉的核心要素,因此妇女的行为受到严格控制,她们早早出嫁,戴面纱,并被禁止在公共领域发挥作用。该理论认为,女性在追求荣誉和优越感的群体中具有象征作用(Haddad 1998;Abu Lughod 1989;Peristiany 1968, 1966),因此女性的行为被用作关注地位的意识形态工具。对性行为的隐蔽性和控制性提高了男性的声望:关键因素是女性的谦逊。打破性别规范的女性受到社会的谴责,在社会中处于边缘地位。通过工作、保持单身或进入公共领域而跨越界限的女性会受到歧视。婚外性行为受到谴责,因为不受约束的本能可能导致混乱(Obermeyer 2000:241)。这种传统的文化解释与北非社会和穆斯林世界其他地方的伊斯兰化过程更加相关。在过去的几十年里,许多人采用了一种基于对伊斯兰教更严格和正统的解释的生活方式,女性的性行为受到控制,以迫使她们成为建构的群体身份的承受者(Ilkkaracan 2000:764, 765;埃斯波西托1998:十六世)。面纱在摩洛哥城市居民中(特别是在富人和中产阶级家庭中)正经历着一次引人注目的复兴,各政党已将伊斯兰教法作为道德秩序的基础。一些穆斯林人口对宗教活动有更自由的看法。摩洛哥城市中心的正统派和阿拉伯人说,农村的柏柏尔人实际上是异教徒(NRC Handelsblad 2002;Venema和Bakker 1994:8-10)。但在农村人口中,更严格的做法甚至变得更加普遍。例如,阿尔及利亚讲柏柏尔语的Chaouias族的女舞者和女歌手曾经被农民雇佣在丰收节上表演。他们的表演既有宗教歌曲,也有淫秽的情歌,其中包含暗示性的建议,收获者对此兴高采烈地回应。这些妇女只是临时工作,她们的工作不被认为是不体面的。然而,由于在阿尔及利亚传播了更加严格和正统的伊斯兰教,这些团体不再能够表演(Encyclopedie berberere 1991: 1223,1224)。Abu Lughod(1989)认为,荣誉/羞耻情结将男性和女性置于对立面,这可能最终成为“后宫理论”。从这个角度来看,存在着高度的性别隔离,女性有自己的世界,无所事事,顺从,戴着面纱。根据Abu Lughod(1989)的观点,这种前景源于中东和北非社会的性别二分法,而这种自然/文化和公共/私人的二分法未能承认在实践中发生的复杂混合。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A permissive zone for prostitution in the Middle Atlas of Morocco
Muslim women are said to live in a male-dominated society with rigid sexual stratification: the seclusion and control of the sexual practices of a woman increase a man's status and power. This view has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in Morocco, as elsewhere. In reality, among the Berber people of the Middle Atlas, many divorced and widowed women see no economic alternative to becoming a prostitute. Cultural and global conditions have made the area a permissive zone for prostitution because of the local tradition of ritual dances that act as a marriage market, the absence of a focus on virginity, and because retired prostitutes can regain the respect of their community. Since the 1960s, Moroccan migrants returning temporarily home and male tourists from neighboring countries have given the Middle Atlas the reputation of a permissive zone for prostitution. (Berber, Morocco, prostitution, globalization) ********** A common perception is that honor is a critical theme for explaining status, power, and gender in Middle Eastern and North African society. Women especially feel the consequences of this as their reputation is of the utmost importance in upholding family honor. Virginity and chastity are central elements of this honor, so women's behavior is strictly controlled by having them married off early, veiled, and prevented from playing a role in the public domain. The theory is that women have a symbolic function for groups that strive for honor and superiority (Haddad 1998; Abu Lughod 1989; Peristiany 1968, 1966), so the behavior of women is used as an ideological instrument in the concern for status. The seclusion and control of their sexual practices increases a man's prestige: the crucial factor is women's modesty. Women who break the norms for their gender are subjected to social reprobation and occupy a marginal position in society. Women who cross the boundaries by working, remaining single, or entering the public sphere are stigmatized. Sex outside of marriage is condemned because unchecked instincts may lead to fitna (chaos) (Obermeyer 2000:241). This traditional cultural explanation has become more relevant with the process of Islamization in North African societies as elsewhere in the Muslim world. Over the last few decades, many people have adopted a lifestyle based on a more strict and orthodox interpretation of Islam, and women's sexuality is controlled in order to pressure them to become the bearers of constructed group identities (Ilkkaracan 2000:764, 765; Esposito 1998:xvi). The veil is undergoing a remarkable resurgence among Moroccan urban-dwellers (particularly among rich and middle-class families) and political parties have adopted the Sharia as the basis of moral order. Some Muslim populations have a more liberal view of religious praxis. The Berbers of the countryside are virtually pagans, say the orthodox and Arab people of the urban centers in Morocco (NRC Handelsblad 2002; Venema and Bakker 1994:8-10). But stricter practices have even become more common among rural populations. For example, the female dancers and singers among the Berber-speaking Chaouias in Algeria used to be hired by farmers to perform at harvest festivals. Their performance consisted of religious songs interchanged with bawdy love songs that contained suggestive proposals to which the harvesters replied gleefully. The women performed only on a temporary basis and their work was not perceived as indecent. However, since the spread of a more rigid and orthodox version of Islam in Algeria, these groups are no longer able to perform (Encyclopedie Berbere 1991:1223, 1224). The honor/shame complex places men and women in an opposition which may end up as a "harem theory," argues Abu Lughod (1989). In this perspective there is a high degree of gender segregation, with women having a world of their own, and being idle, submissive, and veiled. According to Abu Lughod (1989), this prospect derives from the sexual dichotomies applied to Middle Eastern and North African societies, and such dichotomies as nature/culture and public/private fail to acknowledge the complex mixing that happens in practice. …
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