Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-06-18DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13333
Xiang (Joanna) Quan
{"title":"Colombia's economic relations with China: The role of economics and politics in trade, investment, and economic agreements","authors":"Xiang (Joanna) Quan","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13333","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Over the past two decades, many Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) countries have deepened their economic relationship with China by accepting large amounts of Chinese investments and signing up for China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, Colombia has not followed such a path. Using cross-border data on trade, investment, and economic agreements, this article demonstrates that Colombia's under-engagement with China is driven by Colombia's lower competitiveness in the commodities sectors, where Chinese demand for LAC products is highest. Colombia's limited competitiveness has led to lower exports to China and lower amounts of Chinese investment. The low level of bilateral economic activities has resulted in a lack of incentives for Colombia to sign economic agreements with China, as well as general public skepticism toward China and more favorable attitudes toward the United States even though this trend has been on the decline since 2016. Colombia can benefit from strengthening ties with China, without distancing itself from the United States, on issues pertaining to energy transition and the development of rural infrastructure, which will help reduce inequality and broaden export diversification in the medium to long term.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S3","pages":"143-159"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13333","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141424923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-06-18DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13351
Abdihakim Hussein, Emily Nye
{"title":"Beyond the narrative: Colombia and the Venezuelan migrants","authors":"Abdihakim Hussein, Emily Nye","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13351","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Forced migration is an increasingly common feature in international relations, and the mass migration of Venezuelans to Colombia provides an opportunity to analyze how strategic narratives can support a welcoming migration and integration policy. Because Colombia is a country with no history of immigration and no established anti-immigrant group, its experience provides unique insight into the impact and limitations of positive migration narratives. While Colombia's migration policy and humanitarian narrative have garnered praise internationally, this praise has not been matched by a sense of urgency for action, attention, or funding. Domestically, the policy response to mass Venezuelan migration has met international standards. Moreover, the country has experienced relatively little unrest compared to other host countries in Latin America. There is, however, ample evidence that Colombian perceptions of increased Venezuelan migration are negative and that tension and scapegoating are on the rise. Given these contradictions, this article reviews and discusses how and why Colombia's positive, humanitarian narratives have succeeded, as well as these narratives' limitations and need for adjustments. Together, these insights can help other host nations craft more effective and truthful migration strategic narratives.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S3","pages":"83-92"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13351","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141424927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-06-18DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13374
Alexandre Polack
{"title":"The European Union's support of the implementation of the peace process in Colombia","authors":"Alexandre Polack","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13374","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Peace Agreement in Colombia signed on September 27, 2016 ended one of the deadliest armed conflicts in Latin America, which lasted for half a century. The agreement is an effective peacemaking and peacebuilding model because it tackles the conflict's root causes and the process is led by Colombians. The actors of the conflict perceived the international community and the European Union's support as extremely positive because it remained consistent, combined political and financial support, and supported Colombian-led policies. The EU's support for the peace process is also an excellent example of a match between the Colombia's demands for support and the tailor-made support offered by the EU. Moving forward, key challenges are for Colombian authorities to continue accelerating the agreement's implementation—instead of reinventing the wheel after each presidential election—and for the international community to continue providing consistent political and financial support while prioritizing empowerment of local actors.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S3","pages":"58-67"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13374","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141425054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-06-13DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13367
Lara Merling, Timon Forster
{"title":"Climate policy at the International Monetary Fund: No voice for the vulnerable?","authors":"Lara Merling, Timon Forster","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13367","DOIUrl":"10.1111/1758-5899.13367","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The climate crisis prompted the International Monetary Fund (IMF), an international lender of last resort, to implement wholesale reforms to incorporate climate policy into its operations. At the IMF, selected countries from the Global North—historically the largest emitters of greenhouse gases—dominate decision-making. This raises several questions. Can the Fund implement an ambitious and effective climate policy? How are climate-vulnerable developing countries and their interests represented in everyday decision-making at the institution? Drawing on scholarship on the political economy and legitimacy of international organizations, we focus on the formal distribution of decision-making power within the IMF to evaluate the IMF's shift toward climate change. Our empirical analysis of the representation of 57 self-identifying climate-vulnerable developing countries (the V20) at the IMF and within its Executive Board shows that these countries, speaking for almost a third of the Fund's membership, command a vote share of merely 5.6%. Our assessment of the Climate Strategy adopted by the IMF amplifies equity concerns over its climate policies and further attests to the disregard of requests by developing countries. Barring meaningful governance reform to increase the voice and representation of climate-vulnerable developing countries, the IMF's approach to addressing climate change is unlikely to translate into legitimate and effective climate policy.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"539-553"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13367","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141346361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-06-11DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13399
Gregory T. Chin
{"title":"Introduction – The evolution of New Development Bank (NDB): A decade plus in the making","authors":"Gregory T. Chin","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13399","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article serves as the Introduction for the collection of nine articles on New Development Bank (NDB) and the BRICS. In addition to highlighting the key contributions of each article in this Special Section, this Introduction briefly discusses the achievements of NDB during its first decade, the evolving research agendas and scholarly debates on NDB, and the subtle shifts in the focus, goals, and agenda of the Bank from its initial establishment to the current period as NDB enters its second decade.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 2","pages":"368-382"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13399","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141304185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13360
Sebastian Haug, Laura Trajber Waisbich
{"title":"Comprehensive power shifts in the making: China's policy transfer partnerships with the United Nations","authors":"Sebastian Haug, Laura Trajber Waisbich","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13360","url":null,"abstract":"<p>China and the United Nations (UN) have set up a growing number of partnerships to transfer Chinese domestic development policies across the South. By examining these partnerships through a power shift lens, we suggest that UN-endorsed policy transfer processes can function as a window into shifting international cooperation dynamics. The paper first provides an overview of the evolution and key characteristics of China–UN policy transfer partnerships, focusing on China's trajectory as a provider of policy solutions. It then analyses the extent to which the evolving partnership landscape contributes to and reflects shifts in China's compulsory, institutional, structural and productive power. Overall, we argue that policy transfer partnerships contribute to comprehensive power shifts in the making: while empirical data point to China's often (still) limited and evolving ability to influence the actions of others, our findings provide evidence for increasing levels of Chinese influence in and through policy transfer partnerships across all power types.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S2","pages":"62-73"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13360","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141085041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13361
Malin Oud
{"title":"Powers of persuasion? China's struggle for human rights discourse power at the UN","authors":"Malin Oud","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13361","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, the People's Republic of China has been on a mission to break what it describes as ‘Western hegemony’ around global norms. Beijing is engaged in a struggle to strengthen its influence in global governance and has identified increasing China's ‘discourse power’ at the United Nations (UN) as key to achieving this goal. Focused on human rights, this paper examines China's project to enhance its discourse power at the UN. It assesses how successful Beijing has been in shaping language, concepts and norms at the UN and to what extent there has been a power shift in line with China's aspirations. It concludes that in China's efforts to enhance its power over meaning at the UN, it relies less on its powers of persuasion to effect what Barnett and Duvall term productive power and more on compulsory power. China's vision for global governance and its growing clout at the UN has great implications for international order. In essence, China seeks to reshape international norms so that human rights become each member state's ‘internal affairs’ rather than a legitimate concern of the international community.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S2","pages":"85-96"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141085043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13318
Steven Langendonk, Edith Drieskens
{"title":"Chinese power in the World Heritage Committee: From learning the game to shaping the rules","authors":"Steven Langendonk, Edith Drieskens","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13318","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Despite growing interest in China's use of heritage in its domestic and foreign policies, little is known about how its evolving power affects the multilateral core of the heritage regime. To tackle this gap, we apply Barnett and Duvall's four-power framework to China's role in the World Heritage Committee (WHC) and heritage issues in UNESCO since the early 2000s. To parse power shifts across the four ideal types of compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive power, we analyse the domestic and international developments that shaped China's relationship with the regime and highlight two episodes of Chinese power at work: the WHC's Suzhou (2004) and Fuzhou (2021) sessions. We argue that China's power potential rose across all four power types and that its potential for exercising structural and productive power is buoyed by the Belt and Road Initiative and the integration of heritage into its foreign policy. We note that China's exercise of power rarely transgresses organisational norms and that it has followed, rather than spurred, the shift to a culture of thinly veiled power politics in the WHC. Nevertheless, we argue that, as an ambitious power in heritage, China shares the responsibility for this outcome and the future of the heritage regime.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S2","pages":"110-120"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141085110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13369
Yiping Cai
{"title":"Between co-optation and emancipation: Chinese women's NGOs and power shifts at the United Nations","authors":"Yiping Cai","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13369","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Recent scholarship on China at the United Nations (UN) considers whether there has been a discernible shift in power in China's favour. However, existing analyses predominantly focus on state actors and UN entities, whereas non-state actors, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), are largely neglected. This article examines the participation of Chinese NGOs in the UN, contributing to the analysis of China's evolving position in global politics. Through the contextualised examination of Chinese women's NGOs' engagement with the UN over the past three decades, the argument contends that there are different types of Chinese NGOs operating in hierarchical and shifting political settings. Despite the Chinese state's attempts to co-opt NGOs to strengthen its multilateral power base, it is oversimplified to perceive the engagement of Chinese NGOs at the UN as merely serving the interests of the state. Instead, Chinese NGOs play multifaceted roles that are shaped by their relationship with the state, as they deploy different strategies to navigate political space both at the UN and domestically. Although the Chinese government continues to dominate state-NGO relations, at the UN and elsewhere, there are a few instances where UN fora have provided Chinese NGOs with precarious but increased room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the state.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S2","pages":"148-158"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1758-5899.13369","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141085039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Global PolicyPub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13347
Richard Gowan
{"title":"Accommodation available: China, Western powers and the operation of structural power in the UN Security Council","authors":"Richard Gowan","doi":"10.1111/1758-5899.13347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13347","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article focuses on the way that China and the main Western states on the United Nations Security Council have pursued “mutual accommodation” as China's geopolitical weight has grown in recent years. China still only rarely uses its veto and typically avoids taking responsibility for drafting Council products. Western powers are nonetheless careful to acknowledge and accommodate China's interests wherever possible, through tactics like watering down proposed Council products and avoiding confrontational meetings. China reciprocates by not blocking Western actions outright, but can take advantage of Western caution to gain leverage in the Council. In light of their toxic relationship with Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom and France see avoiding a strategic breakdown in their relations with China as in their strategic interests. Overall, the article highlights how the structural power inherent in the mutual constitution of the capacities and identities of the permanent members of the Security Council influences the social relations of the members and helps them to reach a compromise over many challenging issues The article illustrates this argument with detailed examples from Council diplomacy over Myanmar and Ukraine.</p>","PeriodicalId":51510,"journal":{"name":"Global Policy","volume":"15 S2","pages":"29-37"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141085037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}