Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies最新文献

{"title":"The Unlikely Survival of Erdoğan in Turkey's May 2023 Elections","authors":"Ali Çarkoğlu","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13655","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13655","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Approaching the May 2023 Turkish presidential and assembly elections seemed to promise a challenging situation for the incumbent Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (<i>Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi</i>, AKP). The significant influx of refugees since the onset of the Syrian civil war introduced a reactive public agenda marked by occasional violent clashes in neighbourhoods with high refugee populations. This eventually spilled over to the national political agenda. A new political party, the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP), emerged with an anti-Syrian sentiment platform, gaining traction amongst young voters and expanding its electoral appeal. After the 2018 elections, the opposition parties united under the Nation Alliance (<i>Millet İttifakı</i>, MI), bringing together social democrats, liberals, nationalists and pro-Islamist conservatives to broaden the opposition's appeal and resistance to the ruling AKP. Additionally, the Erdoğan government's policy performance was also deteriorating. The economy deteriorated due to the President's reliance on strict monetary controls and disregard for market dynamics, leading to a depreciating national currency. The opposition's control of the largest cities since 2019 limited the cabinet's ability to regulate projects and manage clientelist networks. The resulting insecurity and vulnerability tarnished the government's image as a stability and good governance provider. The twin earthquakes on 6 February, 3 months before the elections, exacerbated the administration's failure to respond effectively to the disaster. The affected southeastern provinces, home to nearly 10% of the population, suffered extensive loss of life and infrastructure damage.</p><p>The AKP's 21-year rule seemed to be ending due to poor performance in economics and democratic governance, leading to a potential electoral defeat. However, Erdoğan won the presidency in the second round, and his People's Alliance (Cumhur İttifakı, CI) secured a comfortable margin for controlling the Turkish Grand National Assembly (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi, TBMM).\u00001 The question remains: what factors contributed to Erdoğan's remarkable survival against all odds? Who were Erdoğan's supporters, and on what issue bases did they cast their votes for him?\u00002</p><p>I examine the factors contributing to Erdoğan's re-election using individual-level post-election data and I argue that his success was primarily based on his performance in various policy areas, such as protecting moral values and easing the use of turban in public spaces, as well as his handling of security and foreign policy. However, his performance in other areas, such as resolving the Kurdish problem, reducing inflation, providing economic welfare and addressing the LGBTQ community's demands, was perceived as relatively low. This duality in his performance allowed him to strategically shift the agenda in favour of more advantageous issue areas, which were favoured by lar","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"162-173"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13655","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The 2023 Cypriot Presidential Elections: Shifts in Domestic and Regional Dynamics","authors":"Constantinos Adamides","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13667","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13667","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Like other conflict-affected states, the history of presidential elections in the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) is characterized by significant political tension centred around the Cyprus problem. The 1960 Constitution and London–Zurich agreements led to a dysfunctional and ‘quasi-state’ state (Constantinou, <span>2006</span>), and the period from 1960 to 1963 exemplified the state's weaknesses and the negative impact of the Constitution (Emilianides, <span>2003</span>, p. 175). Following the Greek junta coup in July 1974, Turkey invaded the island and continues to occupy 37% of its territory, resulting in a de facto division that remains to this day. Other pivotal events, such as the 1983 unilateral declaration of independence by Turkish Cypriots, resulting in the formation of the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’ (TRNC), which remains unrecognized except by Turkey, further complicate the theoretical pursuit of a settlement based on a Bizonal Bicommunal Federation (BBF). Negotiations, despite their challenges, were always aiming for a commonly accepted BBF settlement. However, the situation deteriorated following the collapse of the Crans Montana talks in 2017 and was further worsened with Ersin Tatar's 2020 election, as the Turkish Cypriot narrative shifted towards a two-state solution and recognition of the ‘TRNC’, driven by Turkey's militarized foreign policy (Adamides, <span>2022a</span>).</p><p>In 2003, the opening of the crossing points allowed for bicommunal interaction for the first time since 1974, and in 2004, Cyprus entered the European Union (EU), albeit divided and with the EU <i>acquis</i> only applying to the RoC government-controlled areas. In this historical context, it is worth noting the RoC's uniqueness in the EU as the only member state with a presidential system, whereby the President serves as both head of state and head of government. This dual role, particularly in the absence of a Turkish-Cypriot Vice President, limits the checks and balances, thereby granting the Cypriot President considerable power over domestic political affairs, surpassing that of any other EU leader (Ker-Lindsay, <span>2006</span>).</p><p>Inevitably, the Cypriot political landscape, especially the presidential elections, has been dominated by the Cyprus problem (Adamides, <span>2020</span>). Until the late 2000s, electoral decisions were influenced by the parties' stance on the Cyprus conflict, making it almost certain that only one of their candidates would become President, thus containing the emergence of independent candidates. However, over the past decade, culminating in the 2023 elections, voting behaviour shifted, with issues such as migration and the economy gaining importance and even surpassing the prominence of the Cyprus problem. This allowed for party competition on multiple issues where the traditional parties, burdened by corruption scandals and economic and societal challenges, are not necessarily able to prevail. New parties eme","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"174-185"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13667","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"EU Industrial Policy and Convergent Development in EU Peripheries: An Assessment of the ‘Important Project of Common European Interest’ (IPCEI) Template","authors":"Henrique Lopes‐Valença","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13664","url":null,"abstract":"Industrial policy has been enjoying a significant comeback. In the European Union (EU), ‘important projects of common European interest’ (IPCEIs) have become a template for a new, value chain‐oriented EU industrial policy. But what does this mean for convergence between ‘peripheral’ and ‘core’ member states? Based on the understanding that convergent development requires opportunities for ‘learning in production’ to accumulate the technological capabilities that are necessary for economic upgrading within value chains, this article advances an in‐depth analysis of the implementation of this EU industrial policy template. It argues that IPCEIs have so far offered peripheral countries and their firms few opportunities for learning in production within value chains. In this light, there is a risk that IPCEIs might have limited or even detrimental effects on the prospects for convergence within the EU. The article concludes by considering how this template could be made more conducive to convergent development.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The European Parliament and the Qatargate","authors":"Olivier Costa","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13666","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13666","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In December 2022, the European Parliament (EP) was confronted with the biggest corruption scandal in its history. The Belgian police carried out a series of searches, during which they seized more than €1.5 million in cash and arrested several members of the EP (MEPs), former MEPs and members of their entourage.\u00001 It soon became apparent that all these actors, sheltered in part by bogus non-governmental organizations (NGOs), had sold their influence to third countries – for example, Qatar and Morocco (Fernández-Molina and Khakee, <span>2024</span>). The EP, which usually has little audience in the media, was suddenly exposed at length on the front page. This unprecedented crisis has confirmed the concerns of some MEPs, scholars and think tankers, who have long been calling for tighter control over the behaviour of MEPs, the presence of interest groups in the EP and the influence of foreign countries (Alemanno, <span>2017</span>; Chalmers, <span>2019</span>; Costa, <span>2019</span>).</p><p>The Qatargate scandal has been an opportunity to put three issues back on the European Union (EU) agenda. The first is that the EP is lagging behind in the regulation of the behaviour of its members and of the interest groups active in its premises, which must be constantly adapted to the increasing powers and influence of the institution. The second is the difficulty encountered by the EU institutions in agreeing on instruments and procedures to improve transparency and probity, even though the issue has been on the agenda of the von der Leyen Commission since its investiture. The third is the growing pressure exerted by certain third countries on the Union's institutions, which carries the risk not only of disrupting the way they operate and influencing their decisions but also of undermining their legitimacy in the eyes of the public.</p><p>Brussels is the second place in the world – after Washington, D.C. – for both lobbying and diplomatic activities (Coen and Richardson, <span>2009</span>). The recent annual report from the German-based NGO LobbyControl (<span>2024</span>) establishes that corporate lobbyists alone have spent some €1.3bn in 2023 to influence EU-based decision-making. According to the report, 80% of the lobbyists that met with Commission president Ursula von der Leyen came from the business sector. The challenges in terms of influence, transparency and probity are immense. This is particularly true when it comes to lobbying by third countries, which is currently poorly regulated and which involves players that are not very sensitive to the sanctions that lobbying firms or large companies could face if they were to break the rules. There is a tension here between the operation of democratic bodies, which demand transparency and probity, and diplomatic practices, which require confidentiality. Regulation becomes very complex when third-party states act in the grey area that exists between lobbying and diplomacy and play both sides (Sánchez","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"76-87"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13666","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The European Union Response to the Inflation Reduction Act: An Assessment of the European Council System Beyond Crisis","authors":"Sandrino Smeets, Derek Beach","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13653","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13653","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Over a decade of successive crises has transformed how major policy reforms are dealt with in the European Union (EU), with a more European Council (EUCO)-centred system of governance as a result (Kassim et al., <span>2017</span>; Smeets and Beach, <span>2022</span>). Whilst the EUCO's formal role is merely to ‘provide the Union with the necessary impetus for its development and define the general political directions and priorities thereof’ [Article 15 Treaty on the European Union (TEU)], the crises have created the expectation that the EUCO should be much more closely involved in policy discussions on major dossiers. Yet the governance arrangements that were developed out of the need to manage these crises appear to have more lasting impacts post-crisis, as expected by work on ‘crisisification’ and ‘emergency politics’ (Kreuder-Sonnen and White, <span>2022</span>; Puetter and Terranova, <span>2023</span>; Rhinard, <span>2019</span>). This literature provides us with important indicators for how this system works post-crisis. Apart from the crisis-induced speed and urgency, they point to a new, grand narrative of an EU system that is dealing with major, horizontal policy challenges that require a comprehensive (‘packaged’) policy response and that favour a centralized set of political and institutional actors (Rhinard, <span>2019</span>, p. 617; White, <span>2015</span>, p. 300). However, this literature does not specify what effects these features might have. Therefore, this article tackles the question of what happens when the EUCO-centred crisis management system is deployed in a post-crisis environment.</p><p>The year 2023, arguably, was the first moment in a long time that the EU was not in the midst of a severe crisis. There was still plenty of ‘crisis’ in its environment, first and foremost the Russian aggression in Ukraine. However, this became less a crisis <i>of</i> the EU system. The EUCO summit of 15 December 2022 represented a turning point in this regard. Two days earlier, energy ministers had managed to agree on a second package of measures to deal with the energy crisis, including a long-awaited Market Correction Mechanism (price cap) on gas (Smeets, <span>2023</span>). Three days later, the Council and European Parliament closed a deal on the central elements of the fit-for-55 package – the Emission Trading Scheme, Social Climate Fund and Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism – thereby locking in the main targets for the green transition. There was a sense of optimism amongst the leaders. For once, the Union appeared to be on track instead of in the depths of a crisis.</p><p>However, major medium- to long-term challenges to the EU remained, the most prominent at the time being the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), the massive US subsidy scheme to support investments in clean industry and renewable energy that was adopted in August 2022. Whilst the IRA did not trigger an immediate crisis, it was undoubtedly <i>Chefsache</i>, meaning","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"88-98"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13653","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Going in Different Directions? The 2023 Elections in Poland and Slovakia and Their Aftermath","authors":"Tim Haughton, Karolina Pomorska, Darina Malová, Kevin Deegan-Krause","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13656","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13656","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Elections provide signals. They signal the state of public opinion, the robustness of a democracy and the direction of democratic travel. Poland and Slovakia went to the polls in the autumn of 2023 in parliamentary elections. In both cases, they were change elections marked by the electorate's reaction to the acts and performance of governing parties propelled into power at previous elections in the context of significant social and political disruption caused by the pandemic and Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. But they also marked the return to power of prominent politicians whose domestic political careers had appeared to be over. Moreover, responding to the direction of travel their countries had been taking in previous years, the old–new politicians at the helm of their respective countries sought to chart a different course. This change of direction had significant ramifications for the state of democracy, the European Union (EU) and wider international politics. Furthermore, whilst the Slovak case offers additional insights into the causes and course of democratic backsliding that has been a prominent feature of Central European politics in recent times (e.g., Bakker and Sitter, <span>2022</span>; Bernhard, <span>2021</span>; Guasti and Bustikova, <span>2023</span>; Vachudova, <span>2020</span>), the Polish case provides pointers to the necessary ingredients for democratic resilience. In addition, both cases underscore the arguments about swerves and careening in the processes of democratization or autocratization (Cianetti and Hanley, <span>2021</span>). Indeed, Poland and Slovakia not only illuminate that the path towards or away from democracy is rarely linear, involving many contingencies along the way, but also illuminate that journeys may involve many changes of direction depending on whose hands are on the steering wheel, particularly when the fate of democracy itself becomes central to political contestation.</p><p>Three-time Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico had looked a broken man in 2020. In 2018, the murder of a journalist and his fiancée, who had been investigating the murky links between politicians, organized crime and organs of the state, provoked an outcry and large-scale demonstrations. Fico stepped down as premier, although he remained as head of his party, Direction – Social Democracy (Smer – sociálna demokracia, Smer-SD). In the subsequent parliamentary elections in 2020, Fico was swept from power. Thanks in no small part to anti-corruption appeals, Igor Matovič's Ordinary People and Independent Personalities (Obyčajní ľudia a nezávislé osobnosti, OĽaNO) hoovered up a quarter of the vote and was able to form a four-party coalition with a constitutional majority (Haughton et al., <span>2022</span>). Moreover, in the aftermath of the election, several of Fico's closest lieutenants broke away to form a new party, Voice – Social Democracy (Hlas – sociálna demokracia, Hlas-SD), luring away many Smer-SD voters. Bu","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"186-200"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13656","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141862652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Impact of Brexit on Women, Peace and Security in Northern Ireland: Spotlight on Violence Against Women","authors":"Katharine A. M. Wright,&nbsp;Ruth McAreavey,&nbsp;Rebecca Donaldson","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13663","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13663","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The impact of Brexit on Northern Ireland (NI) is now well established; however, less attention has been given to the impact on women, despite the applicability of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In this policy commentary, we detail the impact Brexit has had on the issue of violence against women in NI. This is timely, given that the NI Executive Office has developed an Ending Violence against Women and Girls (VAWG) Strategic Framework, of which the adoption was identified as a priority on the resumption of the NI Assembly in February 2024. In addition to the repercussions of ‘Brexit politics’ resulting in the suspension of Stormont, which stymied the adoption of the strategy, we examine what has been lost in terms of funding, data collection, benchmarking and legal protections, all of which contribute to addressing VAWG in NI. We conclude with policy points to address the issues arising.</p>","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 5","pages":"1408-1416"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13663","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141773957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Cybersecurity Trends in the European Union: Regulatory Mercantilism and the Digitalisation of Geopolitics","authors":"Helena Carrapico,&nbsp;Benjamin Farrand","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13654","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13654","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The European Union (EU)'s cybersecurity policy has, over the past two decades, undergone dramatic changes that have positioned it not only at the forefront of the EU's security policy landscape but also as one of the most influential policies across the EU policy spectrum (Carrapico and Farrand, &lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;; Christou, &lt;span&gt;2015&lt;/span&gt;; Dunn Cavelty, &lt;span&gt;2013&lt;/span&gt;; Obendiek and Seidl, &lt;span&gt;2023&lt;/span&gt;). Over the years, the EU has become particularly aware of its increasing reliance on digital infrastructure and services, namely, how sectors such as transport, trade, finance, health, energy and education rely on accessing secure information and communication technology infrastructure. This dependency has been understood as highlighting the EU's vulnerability to the exponential growth in cyberthreats online (Carrapico and Farrand, &lt;span&gt;2021&lt;/span&gt;). Having developed mainly in a reactive fashion to these perceived vulnerabilities, the EU's cybersecurity strategy was officially introduced in 2013 as an umbrella for a set of pre-existing, albeit scattered, initiatives (European Commission and High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, &lt;span&gt;2013&lt;/span&gt;). Since then, it has transitioned from a set of foundational measures to a mature, comprehensive and strategic policy focused on resilience, co-operation and technological advancement. It is composed of four main sub-policy areas: cybercrime and law enforcement; critical information infrastructure protection; cyber-defence; and cyber-diplomacy. Although distinct in their focus, these areas all work together towards the protection of the EU's digital infrastructure and residents.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The evolution of the EU cybersecurity policy can be characterised as having three distinct phases: the first was the genesis phase (1985–2003), during which the different sub-fields of cybersecurity developed separately (in particular in the context of the former EU First and Third Pillars), and the EU gradually positioned itself as a co-ordinating actor capable of addressing cross-border cybersecurity threats. This phase saw the initial recognition of the need for a co-ordinated approach to cybersecurity within a European framework. The second was the institutionalisation phase (2004–2018), where the EU pushed towards a more consistent policy framework by advocating for coherence and dialogue between the different sub-fields. This push involved the introduction and expansion of the number of EU cybersecurity co-ordinating bodies and adopting resilience as a strategy to protect businesses, public bodies and citizens. The third phase can be classified as the regulatory phase (2019–present), which has been marked by a significant attempt by the EU to gain control of cybersecurity governance. This has been achieved through a discursive framing of cybersecurity as a matter of European sovereignty (Farrand and Carrapico, &lt;span&gt;2022&lt;/span&gt;), the translation of this discourse","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"147-158"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13654","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141773954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Between Cooperation and Rivalry: The Leadership of Charles Michel as President of the European Council","authors":"Henriette Müller,&nbsp;Ingeborg Tömmel","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13660","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13660","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"52-63"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141773952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The European Union's Response to the Rule of Law Crisis and the Making of the New Conditionality Regime","authors":"Ramona Coman,&nbsp;Aron Buzogány","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13661","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13661","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"102-112"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141773956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}