Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies最新文献

{"title":"In the Shadow of Global Polycrisis: Consensus and Polarization in the 2023 Estonian and Finnish Parliamentary Elections","authors":"Mari-Liis Jakobson, Johanna Peltoniemi","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13668","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13668","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The beginning of the 2020s has been marked by a near global polycrisis (Lawrence et al., <span>2024</span>). In addition to the global climate crisis brewing in the background, in 2020, the first global pandemic erupted, which pressured governments to take unprecedented measures and divided societies over social distancing measures and vaccination and disrupted global production and logistics chains and caused turbulence in demand and supply. In 2022, Russia launched full-scale war in Ukraine, which sent millions seeking refuge elsewhere in Europe, prompted unprecedented international economic sanctions on Russia and enhanced the military preparedness in most European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states. This also resulted in the rapid rise of energy prices and the danger of energy deficit, rise of inflation and interest rates.</p><p>Hence, the general elections in Estonia in March 2023 and Finland in April 2023 took place in a situation of heightened international, economic and societal tensions and the outgoing governments having mainly dealt with crisis governance rather than focusing on fulfilling their electoral promises. In addition, both election campaigns also bore marks of bloc politics, where an otherwise multi-party system becomes aligned in two major camps and the campaign becomes a referendum on the proposed policies of these two camps.</p><p>Whilst polarization – both affective and political – is very well documented in the United States, it is also making headways into European politics. Political campaign cultures and government–opposition relations are changing even in countries like Finland and Estonia, which have usually been characterized by notably low levels of polarization (Bettarelli et al., <span>2023</span>; Nord et al., <span>2024</span>). Previous research has suggested that after a crisis, voters are particularly attracted to the political rhetoric of the (extreme) right. For instance, after a financial crisis, extreme right-wing parties increase their vote share by 30 percent (Funke et al., <span>2016</span>). Moreover, as Lisinska (<span>2022</span>) has noted, in times of crisis, when taking substantial measures is of particular importance, continued polarization often leads to democracy fatigue. Whilst Estonia and Finland have not faced democracy fatigue, it seems clear that following the turbulent times of the last decade have led both countries to unforeseen levels of polarization and emergence of populist right wing. Especially Finland has a long tradition of multiparty collaboration, having a history of coalitions including from left to right, but the consensus-oriented society has lately reformed towards bloc politics with strong divisions between political camps. This shift towards bloc politics has resulted in more pronounced ideological divides and a rise in populist rhetoric. The political landscape in both Estonia and Finland now reflects a growing fragmentation, where th","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"201-216"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13668","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"European Union Enlargement and Geopolitical Power in the Face of War","authors":"Nadiia Koval, Milada Anna Vachudova","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13677","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13677","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"135-146"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Climate and Energy Transitions in Times of Environmental Backlash? The European Union ‘Green Deal’ From Adoption to Implementation","authors":"Pierre Bocquillon","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13675","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13675","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The inception of the European Union's (EU's) ‘Green Deal’ – a flagship project of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen launched to much acclaim in December 2019 – contrasts with its adoption in the final years of the Commission's term in office in 2023–2024.</p><p>In 2019, unprecedented climate protests and mobilisations across Europe and the world – from the ‘Fridays for Future’ school strikes to climate marches and to more radical actions by groups like the Extinction Rebellion (XR) – pushed climate change and the energy transition to the top of the EU's political agenda. In this context, the 2019 European elections saw unprecedented successes for Green Parties across the continent, boosting the Greens/European Free Alliance (EFA) parliamentary group to a record 72 members (Pearson and Rüdig, <span>2020</span>). With the main centre-left and centre-right groups together failing to command a majority in Parliament, the Greens were able to pressure Ursula von der Leyen to commit to ambitious policies. The EU ‘Green Deal’ stemmed directly from this context marked by ‘enabling politicisation’ of the climate issue (Dupont et al., <span>2024</span>). The EU climate law (Regulation EU 2021/1119, <span>2021</span>), formally adopted in July 2021, committed the block to reaching net-zero emissions by 2050 and reducing net emissions by 55% by 2030, whilst a large legislative package explicitly called ‘Fit for 55’ was proposed by the Commission that same month to achieve the headline targets. Although the Green Deal has been developed in times of crisis, the Commission and EU have held steady in their commitments (Eckert, <span>2021</span>; Von Homeyer et al., <span>2022</span>). Yet, the finalisation of the legislative proposals aimed at turning lofty goals into action in 2023–2024 – before the Commission's end of term and EU Parliament elections – has taken place in a starkly different context. Energy and cost of living crises, initially triggered by post-COVID-19 supply chain disruptions and dramatically heightened by the war in Ukraine leading to energy supply disruptions and commodity price hikes across Europe, have increasingly fuelled concerns about the costs of climate and energy transitions (Goldthau and Youngs, <span>2023</span>; Kuzemko et al., <span>2022</span>). Although energy prices have fallen since the end of 2023, cost of living and energy security issues have remained salient.</p><p>Politically, this context has been instrumentalised by populist and radical right parties to mobilise against the climate and energy transitions (Yazar and Haarstad, <span>2023</span>), whilst the centre has also become increasingly cautious, especially the centre right. At the European level, this is most evident for the European People's Party (EPP), which has increasingly contested Green Deal legislation, most notably the Nature Restoration Law (Regulation EU 2024/1991, <span>2024</span>) (Tosun, <span>2023</span>). This shift is in part ","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"124-134"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13675","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The ‘Geopolitical Commission’: An End of Term Review","authors":"Elena Baracani, Hussein Kassim","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13673","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13673","url":null,"abstract":"<p>When, in November 2019, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen declared that hers would be a ‘geopolitical Commission’ (<span>2019b</span>), she was not only seeking to differentiate her incoming administration from that of her predecessor. She was also making a bold gambit. Without the powerful mandate associated with the election through the <i>Spitzenkandidaten</i> process, voted into office by a slender majority, and with no substantial experience at the European Union (EU) level, the 13th and first female President was taking a risk. Beyond the question marks against the authority of the incoming Commission President, foreign policy, defence and security are areas where the Commission's powers have been limited and often indirect and where, with few resources, it is reliant on other actors inside and outside the EU.</p><p>Seen from its term end, however, the von der Leyen Commission has been very successful at extending the Commission's influence and expanding EU competence in security, defence and the protection of the EU's economic interests. The concept of the ‘geopolitical Commission’ (Baracani, <span>2023</span>) and its associated policy agenda also grew between the presentation of her Political Guidelines (<span>2019a</span>) as candidate for Commission President and the record of achievements posted by her administration at its close (Commission, <span>2024a</span>). Taking stock of these developments, this article reflects on the origins and evolution of the ‘geopolitical Commission’. It discusses the Commission President's personal style and entrepreneurship, the contingency that allowed for the concept's expansion and the institutional conditions that were propitious to von der Leyen's success. It concludes with a reflection on possible future developments.</p><p>The article makes three main arguments. The first is that although the preceding Commission was styled as a ‘political Commission’, with mainly domestic policy priorities, the Juncker Commission took important steps that anticipated and laid the foundations for the ‘geopolitical Commission’. The second argument is that the von der Leyen Commission built on her predecessor's legacy, but also added new geopolitical elements, such as the reorientation of EU development policy through the ‘Global Gateway’ (Heldt, <span>2023</span>), a ‘Global Human Rights Sanctions regime’ and working for peace and justice in the Middle East. The third argument is that the Commission's success can be attributed to a combination of the experience and the energetic personal style of the President herself (Kassim, <span>2021</span>, <span>2023a</span>, <span>2023b</span>), a series of external challenges that put the EU into permanent crisis mode from early 2020 and the readiness of other key figures and institutions to allow the Commission President to assume a leadership role.</p><p>The discussion below is organised into four sections. The first reviews the ‘geopolitical’ measures adopte","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"41-51"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13673","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Challenge of Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Response to Reviews","authors":"Larry M. Bartels","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13674","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13674","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"245-249"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Navigating the Uncertainties of Post‐disruption Dynamics in Discourse: A Case Study of the EU–UK Security Relationship After Brexit","authors":"Monika Brusenbauch Meislová","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13648","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13648","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents a model that conceptualizes the discursive construction of post‐disruption dynamics endorsed and reproduced by the affected parties and its potential to (not) contribute to future co‐operation. Conceiving of Brexit as a prime case of a broader phenomenon of post‐disruption contexts, this paper applies this model to the empirical case of the post‐Brexit European Union (EU)–United Kingdom (UK) security co‐operation in order to reveal how considerations on Brexit‐related re‐engagement and de‐engagement in the context of the EU–UK security relationship were discursively articulated by the UK government and the European Commission in the 2016–2023 period. The findings show that despite the lack of tangible actions and a seemingly continuous string of missed opportunities, the institutional discourse production has largely fulfilled an enabling function vis‐à‐vis potential future co‐operation. At the same time, this article highlights the lingering effects of Brexit‐triggered discord.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The European Union as a Target: When Do Democratic Backsliders Rhetorically Challenge the EU?","authors":"Kari Waters,&nbsp;Samantha Call","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13641","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13641","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Populist actors who conduct democratic backsliding incrementally eat away at institutional checks on power. Whilst they largely focus on domestic institutions, European Union (EU) member states have an international democratic institution to consider as well. In this article, we present and test a theory explaining changes in backslider rhetoric towards the EU. Whilst they often claim a position of Euroscepticism, their interactions with the EU are complicated. We argue that anti-democratic actors consider the public perception of the EU and the likelihood of enforcement and sanctions from the EU when deciding what type of rhetoric to use. Using speeches from Orbán in Hungary and Duda in Poland, we find that the effect of public opinion on speech sentiment varies between leaders. We also find evidence of position blurring in response to increases in EU threat levels.</p>","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"63 3","pages":"683-703"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13641","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"More or Less Borrell? A Critical Analysis of Josep Borrell as the European Union's High Representative","authors":"Amelia Hadfield,&nbsp;Mustafa Demir","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13670","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13670","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;This article reviews Josep Borrell's tenure as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission (HR/VP) from December 2019 to June 2024. It focuses on his efforts to enhance the European Union's (EU's) global influence and stability amid challenges such as Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, the invasion of Ukraine, shifting EU policies towards China and the United States and the conflict in Gaza. Key EU policies during this period include the Strategic Compass in defence and REPowerEU in energy security. In surveying these policies, the article examines Borrell's effectiveness in mediating foreign policy responses from EU member states and fostering a unified stance during crises. It further explores how Borrell's approach enabled him to maintain or enhance his leadership role through the ‘performance’ of key policies like REPowerEU, reflecting ‘leaderisation’ (Aggestam and Hedling, &lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;). Leaderisation in this sense involves leaders engaging in sense-making of their role to connect with different audiences (Aggestam and Hedling, &lt;span&gt;2020&lt;/span&gt;, p. 306). Borrell's successes and challenges provide insights into the EU's capacity to develop a cohesive foreign policy framework and influence regional and global politics. We conclude that Borrell's tenure involved both tacit and active contributions, from moderate efforts to advance Commission President von der Leyen's &lt;span&gt;2019&lt;/span&gt; ‘Geopolitical Commission’ agenda during Brexit and COVID-19 to successful alignment of energy policy with EU foreign policy and a unified response to the invasion of Ukraine.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam, effective May 1999, established the position of High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, initially held by Javier Solana. Solana's role was more limited than today's HR/VP as defined by the Treaty of Lisbon (European Parliament, &lt;span&gt;2009&lt;/span&gt;). Solana's tenure shaped the role for future HR/VPs by balancing member states' differing foreign policy views with a value-based approach, enabling the EU to act effectively (Helwig, &lt;span&gt;2015&lt;/span&gt;, p. 87). In his term, he stressed the importance of aligning EU responses to global events, particularly in complex regions like the Western Balkans.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The 2009 Lisbon Treaty expanded and clarified the HR/VP role a bit further. Veteran British politician Catherine Ashton was the first to hold this expanded position. She oversaw the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS), balancing member state sensitivities with the need for coherence in EU foreign policy. Ashton's behind-the-scenes consensus-building methods enhanced the HR/VP role's capacity to strengthen relations between the Council, Commission and EEAS and secure successive rounds of sanctions (Tallberg, &lt;span&gt;2006&lt;/span&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Federica Mogherini, who succeeded Ashton in 2014, developed the EU's first global strategy since the 2003 European ","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"64-75"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13670","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141922377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Democracy Erodes From the Top: Leaders, Citizens, and the Challenge of Populism in Europe, by L. Bartels (New Jersey/ Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2023, ISBN: 9780691244525); 280 pp., £25.00 (Hardcover)/£17.99 (Paperback)/£17.50 (eBook).","authors":"Sylvia Kritzinger","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13659","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13659","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"242-244"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141924220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Democracy Erodes From the Top: Leaders, Citizens, and the Challenge of Populism in Europe, by Larry Bartels (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023, ISBN 9780691244501); 280 pp., $29.95/£25.00, hb.","authors":"Fernando Casal Bértoa","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13657","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13657","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"237-241"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141945237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}