Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies最新文献

{"title":"Thank you to Reviewers list July 2019–July 2023","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13683","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13683","url":null,"abstract":"<p>A. Burcu Bayram, University of Arkansas</p><p>Abdullah Al Mamun, National University of Malaysia</p><p>Abraham Newman, Georgetown University</p><p>Achim Hurrelmann, Carleton University</p><p>Adam Chalmers, King's College London</p><p>Adam Luedtke, City University of New York (CUNY)</p><p>Adina Akbik, Leiden University</p><p>Adria Rivera Escartin, Barcelona Institute of International Studies (IBEI)</p><p>Adriaan Schout, Clingendael Institute</p><p>Adrian Favell, University College Cork</p><p>Adrian Favero, University of Groningen</p><p>Adrienne Heritier, European University Institute</p><p>Agnes Batory, Central European University</p><p>Agnieszka Cianciara, Polska Akademia Nauk Instytut Studiow Politycznych</p><p>Akitaka Matsuo, University of Essex</p><p>Akshaya Kamalnath, Australian National University</p><p>Alan Greer, UWE Bristol</p><p>Alan Matthews, Trinity College Dublin</p><p>Alan Swinbank, University of Reading</p><p>Alasdair Young, Georgia Institute of Technology</p><p>Albert Weale, University College London</p><p>Albrecht Sonntag, ESSCA School of Management</p><p>Aleksandra Čavoški, University of Birmingham</p><p>Aleksandra Maatsch, University of Wrocław</p><p>Aleksandra Sojka, University Carlos III of Madrid</p><p>Alena Vieira, University of Minho</p><p>Alessandro Del Ponte, University of Alabama</p><p>Alessandro Pellegata, University of Milan</p><p>Alex MacKenzie, University of Liverpool</p><p>Alexander Bürgin, Izmir University of Economics</p><p>Alexander Kustov, University of North Carolina at Charlotte</p><p>Alexandra Hennessy, University of Essex</p><p>Alexandros Kontonikas, University of Essex</p><p>Alexia Katsanidou, GESIS Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences</p><p>Alfredo Arahuetes, Comillas Pontifical University</p><p>Alice Pirlot, Geneva Graduate Institute</p><p>Alison Johnston, Oregon State University</p><p>Alper Kaliber, Altinbas University</p><p>Amandine Crespy, Université Libre de Bruxelles</p><p>Amie Kreppel, University of Florida</p><p>Amy Verdun, University of Victoria</p><p>Ana E. Juncos, University of Bristol</p><p>Ana Paula Brandão, CICP-University of Minho</p><p>Anastasia Ershova, Queen's University Belfast</p><p>Anders Esmark, University of Copenhagen</p><p>André Barrinha, University of Bath</p><p>Andrea Aldrich, Yale University</p><p>Andrea Appolloni, University of Rome Tor Vergata</p><p>Andrea Colli, Bocconi University</p><p>Andrea Filippetti, National Research Council of Italy/Birbeck University of London</p><p>Andrea Lenschow, Osnabrück University</p><p>Andrea Ott, Maastricht University</p><p>Andrea Pedrazzani, University of Milan</p><p>Andrea Pritoni, University of Turin</p><p>Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro</p><p>Andrea Sangiovanni, King's College London</p><p>Andrea Schlenker, University of Lucerne</p><p>Andrea L. P. Pirro, University of Bologna</p><p>Andreas Bieler, University of Nottingham</p><p>Andreas Dür, University of Salzburg</p><p>Andreas Fagerholm, Åb","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 6","pages":"1769-1797"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13683","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"EU Emissions Trading for Transport and Buildings: Saved by Synergistic Institutional Interaction?","authors":"Jørgen Wettestad","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13671","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the proposal for an EU emissions trading system for transport and buildings (the ETS2), again with the EU as an international pioneer. How did this controversial proposal come to be adopted in 2023? This study links up to recent EU studies highlighting co‐ordination and interaction between the EU institutions. The Commission helped bring about the ETS2 by strategically using different types of issue linking, both positively and more coercively. In the Parliament, senior members of the European Parliament managed to increase support for the ETS2 by inter‐institutional networking and achieving concessions as to flexible mechanisms. Amongst the member states, heavyweight ETS2 proponents had help from the Commission in bringing sceptical countries on board. Hence, several types of synergistic interaction can be noted, facilitated also by trilogues as the more intimate arena for final compromises. Not least, the increasing role of policy packaging highlights the need for further research on changing inter‐institutional dynamics.","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The 2023 Elections in Greece and Spain: Evolving Party Systems in Post-Crisis Southern Europe","authors":"Susannah Verney, Bonnie N. Field","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13658","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13658","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The 2023 elections in Greece and Spain showed that Southern Europe could still surprise. Greece experienced significant change, with the unexpected collapse of the official opposition presaging the emergence of a predominant party system. However, predictions that Spain would become the next European country with far-right government participation were not fulfilled. These elections took place a decade and a half the start of the European debt crisis which sorely tried these countries' political health. They signalled a new phase in the evolution of the post-crisis party systems.</p><p>Both countries transitioned to democracy in the mid-1970s and subsequently established patterns of two-party dominant party competition and single-party governments, though Spain's party system was more fragmented and its minority governments often relied on regionally based non-statewide parties (NSWPs) to govern. The post-2008 crisis era was marked by greater fragmentation, more complex governance and polarisation. In both cases, the political fallout from major economic recessions, European Union (EU)/International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailouts and harsh austerity triggered dramatic party system transformation.</p><p>This included a dive in popular support for the social democratic and conservative parties that had previously alternated in government: PASOK (Πανελληνιο Σοσιαλιστικό Κίνημα, Panhellenic Socialist Movement) and New Democracy (Νέα Δημοκρατία, ND) in Greece, and the Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE) and Popular Party (PP) in Spain. The challenger parties that benefitted in Greece included the radical left SYRIZA (Συνασπισμός Ριζοσπαστικής Αριστεράς, Coalition of the Radical Left), which replaced the socialists as the main force on the left and led two governments in 2015–2019. Greece also witnessed a rise of the far right, notably the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn (Χρυσή Αυγή), one of the most extreme parties in Europe. In Spain, the radical left <i>Podemos</i> (We Can) and centrist <i>Ciudadanos</i> (Citizens, Cs) surged first, then later, the radical right <i>Vox</i> (Voice) took off in 2019 in part as a response to the 2017 Catalan independence push and corruption scandals engulfing the PP. In Greece in 2012 and Spain in 2015–2016, repeat elections were required before a government could be formed.</p><p>The 2019 elections marked milestones in both countries. In Greece, four successive coalitions governed in 2011–2019, two of them including a (different) radical right party. In contrast, the 2019 election was hailed as a ‘return to normal’ (Rori, <span>2020</span>), resulting in a single-party ND government and the disappearance from parliament of most of the crisis-era challenger parties, including Golden Dawn. However, it did not restore the pre-crisis status quo, as SYRIZA became the official opposition whilst PASOK's vote remained in single figures. Meanwhile, as in 2015–16, Spain once again needed two elections to form a gove","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"217-233"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13658","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The New Pact on Migration: Embedded Illiberalism?","authors":"Sarah Wolff","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13669","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13669","url":null,"abstract":"<p>2023 and 2024 developments in the field of migration governance have been marked by a shift towards the acceptance of systematic illiberal migration practices in the European Union (EU). This illiberal turn is not only a backlash against liberalism ‘in all its varied scripts – political, economic, cultural, geopolitical, civilizational – often in the name of democratic principles and thanks to them (by winning the popular vote)’ but also an ethno-nationalist turn against globalisation (Laruelle, <span>2022</span>, p. 304). Today, these illiberal practices, symbolised by the adoption of the Pact and the latest migration and asylum developments, are ‘majoritarian, nation-centric or sovereigntist, favouring traditional hierarchies and cultural’ and encouraged by ‘state structures’ (Laruelle, <span>2022</span>, p. 314) involving ‘anti-migrants legislation and practices such as detention camps, that have put states at odds with their own human rights declarations’. This shift has not happened overnight and is the result of several years of restrictions, pushbacks and criminalisation of NGOs rescuing migrants at sea that have become widespread in Europe. What has happened is that incidental illiberal practices have become more mainstreamed and accepted. This is at odds with the so-called post-Westphalian normative stand of the EU, which has traditionally declared to be the beacon of human rights and refugee rights against restrictive and sovereigntist member states. Global refugee norms adopted after the World War II and embraced by the EU as a liberal ambition to harmonise and create similar conditions for refugees and asylum seekers across EU member states have indeed been at the heart of the liberal international order (Lavenex, <span>2024</span>, p. 1).</p><p>Ideological illiberalism within the field of migration is not new, however (Kauth and King, <span>2020</span>). A ‘liberal paradox’ has always been present in immigration policies, notably after the 1970s, when Western nations decided to halt guest worker programmes (Hollifield, <span>2004</span>). Since the 1990s, policies of non-admission, collaborative and delegated policies of non-arrival have been increasingly at the heart of immigration policies in Europe, such as with the adoption of visa policies or safe country rules under the Dublin Convention (Lavenex, <span>2024</span>, p. 7). At the external level, readmission and return policies have been negotiated with third countries in addition to the delegation of policies of non-arrival (Lavenex, <span>2024</span>). The New Pact on Migration adopted in 2024 is the last occurence of a general strengthening of ‘organized hypocrisy’ around (European) states' obligations to assist refugees by multiplying the deterrence practices and barriers such as carrier sanctions, ‘buffer zones, refugee camps’, which are at odds with their claims to be liberal democracies (Kauth and King, <span>2020</span>, p. 383). This has been seen as not only a subve","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"113-123"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13669","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Navigating Complexity: Continuity and Change in European Governance, 2023/2024","authors":"Gianfranco Baldini, Elena Baracani, Sorina Soare","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13682","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13682","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This Annual Review (AR) of the European Union (EU) focuses on the events and developments of 2023. However, our editorial was crafted shortly after a critical turning point, that is, the institutional and political renewal process that began on 6–9 June 2024. During this period, nearly 400 million European citizens were entitled to elect the 720 Members of the 10th European Parliament (EP) Legislature. In the following weeks, crucial decisions were made regarding the EU's top leadership positions. Whilst this pivotal moment will be explored in detail in the next AR, dedicated to 2024, it serves as the backdrop for our reflection on the main developments and dynamics in European governance during 2023. Therefore, after outlining our editorial vision, we briefly reconstruct what can be seen as a choice point at which significant options shape the trajectory of the European project. The following section provides an overview of the AR before making some concluding remarks.</p><p>This editorial marks the inaugural effort of a newly appointed team of co-editors. It serves a symbolic purpose by presenting the vision that guided our work. The title of this section aims to encapsulate the pivotal moment in the aftermath of the 2024 EP elections. At the same time, it aptly reflects the essence of our project and serves as a fitting motto. We are firmly committed to maintaining the AR's tradition of high-quality articles, a standard impeccably upheld by the colleagues who preceded us in this job. Concurrently, we aim to introduce specific innovations to enhance the publication's structure and scope. Building on the excellent work of our predecessors and in agreement with the staff of the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES), we have decided to embed the traditional AR's Annual Lecture within the UACES Annual Conference (Trento, 1–4 September 2024). This move aims to enhance the visibility of the AR within the scholarly community, fostering greater engagement amongst its members. Like in past editions, the AR opens with the traditional Annual Lecture, held this year by Alina Mungiu-Pippidi (<span>2024</span>). In addition, we have introduced a division into three thematic sections, supplemented by a ‘Critical Dialogue’ section on a book that we consider particularly relevant for understanding the EU project and, more generally, Europe's current state of affairs. The three thematic sections encompass (1) the roles of pivotal actors and institutions in shaping European integration, (2) the main policy developments concerning domestic and foreign domains in the year of reference and (3) the main electoral developments in the year under review. In the third section, we also introduced a sub-section called ‘Elections in the Mirror’, which deals with comparative evaluations of elections in geographically close EU member states, often facing similar challenges. This addition aims to provide a more fine-grained analysis, illustrating ","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"5-16"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13682","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"In the Shadow of Global Polycrisis: Consensus and Polarization in the 2023 Estonian and Finnish Parliamentary Elections","authors":"Mari-Liis Jakobson, Johanna Peltoniemi","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13668","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13668","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The beginning of the 2020s has been marked by a near global polycrisis (Lawrence et al., <span>2024</span>). In addition to the global climate crisis brewing in the background, in 2020, the first global pandemic erupted, which pressured governments to take unprecedented measures and divided societies over social distancing measures and vaccination and disrupted global production and logistics chains and caused turbulence in demand and supply. In 2022, Russia launched full-scale war in Ukraine, which sent millions seeking refuge elsewhere in Europe, prompted unprecedented international economic sanctions on Russia and enhanced the military preparedness in most European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member states. This also resulted in the rapid rise of energy prices and the danger of energy deficit, rise of inflation and interest rates.</p><p>Hence, the general elections in Estonia in March 2023 and Finland in April 2023 took place in a situation of heightened international, economic and societal tensions and the outgoing governments having mainly dealt with crisis governance rather than focusing on fulfilling their electoral promises. In addition, both election campaigns also bore marks of bloc politics, where an otherwise multi-party system becomes aligned in two major camps and the campaign becomes a referendum on the proposed policies of these two camps.</p><p>Whilst polarization – both affective and political – is very well documented in the United States, it is also making headways into European politics. Political campaign cultures and government–opposition relations are changing even in countries like Finland and Estonia, which have usually been characterized by notably low levels of polarization (Bettarelli et al., <span>2023</span>; Nord et al., <span>2024</span>). Previous research has suggested that after a crisis, voters are particularly attracted to the political rhetoric of the (extreme) right. For instance, after a financial crisis, extreme right-wing parties increase their vote share by 30 percent (Funke et al., <span>2016</span>). Moreover, as Lisinska (<span>2022</span>) has noted, in times of crisis, when taking substantial measures is of particular importance, continued polarization often leads to democracy fatigue. Whilst Estonia and Finland have not faced democracy fatigue, it seems clear that following the turbulent times of the last decade have led both countries to unforeseen levels of polarization and emergence of populist right wing. Especially Finland has a long tradition of multiparty collaboration, having a history of coalitions including from left to right, but the consensus-oriented society has lately reformed towards bloc politics with strong divisions between political camps. This shift towards bloc politics has resulted in more pronounced ideological divides and a rise in populist rhetoric. The political landscape in both Estonia and Finland now reflects a growing fragmentation, where th","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"201-216"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13668","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"European Union Enlargement and Geopolitical Power in the Face of War","authors":"Nadiia Koval, Milada Anna Vachudova","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13677","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13677","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"135-146"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Climate and Energy Transitions in Times of Environmental Backlash? The European Union ‘Green Deal’ From Adoption to Implementation","authors":"Pierre Bocquillon","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13675","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13675","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The inception of the European Union's (EU's) ‘Green Deal’ – a flagship project of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen launched to much acclaim in December 2019 – contrasts with its adoption in the final years of the Commission's term in office in 2023–2024.</p><p>In 2019, unprecedented climate protests and mobilisations across Europe and the world – from the ‘Fridays for Future’ school strikes to climate marches and to more radical actions by groups like the Extinction Rebellion (XR) – pushed climate change and the energy transition to the top of the EU's political agenda. In this context, the 2019 European elections saw unprecedented successes for Green Parties across the continent, boosting the Greens/European Free Alliance (EFA) parliamentary group to a record 72 members (Pearson and Rüdig, <span>2020</span>). With the main centre-left and centre-right groups together failing to command a majority in Parliament, the Greens were able to pressure Ursula von der Leyen to commit to ambitious policies. The EU ‘Green Deal’ stemmed directly from this context marked by ‘enabling politicisation’ of the climate issue (Dupont et al., <span>2024</span>). The EU climate law (Regulation EU 2021/1119, <span>2021</span>), formally adopted in July 2021, committed the block to reaching net-zero emissions by 2050 and reducing net emissions by 55% by 2030, whilst a large legislative package explicitly called ‘Fit for 55’ was proposed by the Commission that same month to achieve the headline targets. Although the Green Deal has been developed in times of crisis, the Commission and EU have held steady in their commitments (Eckert, <span>2021</span>; Von Homeyer et al., <span>2022</span>). Yet, the finalisation of the legislative proposals aimed at turning lofty goals into action in 2023–2024 – before the Commission's end of term and EU Parliament elections – has taken place in a starkly different context. Energy and cost of living crises, initially triggered by post-COVID-19 supply chain disruptions and dramatically heightened by the war in Ukraine leading to energy supply disruptions and commodity price hikes across Europe, have increasingly fuelled concerns about the costs of climate and energy transitions (Goldthau and Youngs, <span>2023</span>; Kuzemko et al., <span>2022</span>). Although energy prices have fallen since the end of 2023, cost of living and energy security issues have remained salient.</p><p>Politically, this context has been instrumentalised by populist and radical right parties to mobilise against the climate and energy transitions (Yazar and Haarstad, <span>2023</span>), whilst the centre has also become increasingly cautious, especially the centre right. At the European level, this is most evident for the European People's Party (EPP), which has increasingly contested Green Deal legislation, most notably the Nature Restoration Law (Regulation EU 2024/1991, <span>2024</span>) (Tosun, <span>2023</span>). This shift is in part ","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"124-134"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13675","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The ‘Geopolitical Commission’: An End of Term Review","authors":"Elena Baracani, Hussein Kassim","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13673","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13673","url":null,"abstract":"<p>When, in November 2019, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen declared that hers would be a ‘geopolitical Commission’ (<span>2019b</span>), she was not only seeking to differentiate her incoming administration from that of her predecessor. She was also making a bold gambit. Without the powerful mandate associated with the election through the <i>Spitzenkandidaten</i> process, voted into office by a slender majority, and with no substantial experience at the European Union (EU) level, the 13th and first female President was taking a risk. Beyond the question marks against the authority of the incoming Commission President, foreign policy, defence and security are areas where the Commission's powers have been limited and often indirect and where, with few resources, it is reliant on other actors inside and outside the EU.</p><p>Seen from its term end, however, the von der Leyen Commission has been very successful at extending the Commission's influence and expanding EU competence in security, defence and the protection of the EU's economic interests. The concept of the ‘geopolitical Commission’ (Baracani, <span>2023</span>) and its associated policy agenda also grew between the presentation of her Political Guidelines (<span>2019a</span>) as candidate for Commission President and the record of achievements posted by her administration at its close (Commission, <span>2024a</span>). Taking stock of these developments, this article reflects on the origins and evolution of the ‘geopolitical Commission’. It discusses the Commission President's personal style and entrepreneurship, the contingency that allowed for the concept's expansion and the institutional conditions that were propitious to von der Leyen's success. It concludes with a reflection on possible future developments.</p><p>The article makes three main arguments. The first is that although the preceding Commission was styled as a ‘political Commission’, with mainly domestic policy priorities, the Juncker Commission took important steps that anticipated and laid the foundations for the ‘geopolitical Commission’. The second argument is that the von der Leyen Commission built on her predecessor's legacy, but also added new geopolitical elements, such as the reorientation of EU development policy through the ‘Global Gateway’ (Heldt, <span>2023</span>), a ‘Global Human Rights Sanctions regime’ and working for peace and justice in the Middle East. The third argument is that the Commission's success can be attributed to a combination of the experience and the energetic personal style of the President herself (Kassim, <span>2021</span>, <span>2023a</span>, <span>2023b</span>), a series of external challenges that put the EU into permanent crisis mode from early 2020 and the readiness of other key figures and institutions to allow the Commission President to assume a leadership role.</p><p>The discussion below is organised into four sections. The first reviews the ‘geopolitical’ measures adopte","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"41-51"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jcms.13673","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Challenge of Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Response to Reviews","authors":"Larry M. Bartels","doi":"10.1111/jcms.13674","DOIUrl":"10.1111/jcms.13674","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51369,"journal":{"name":"Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies","volume":"62 S1","pages":"245-249"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142176489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}