African Security最新文献

{"title":"The African Peace and Security Architecture, Non-science of Electoral Prophetism, Farmer-herder Conflicts, and Ungoverned Spaces","authors":"Temitope B. Oriola, W. Knight","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2020.1745373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1745373","url":null,"abstract":"This issue of African Security begins with John J. Hogan’s observations and analysis of the negotiation that resulted in the establishment of one of the central pillars of the African Union. After ...","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"13 1","pages":"1 - 2"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2020.1745373","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42087484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Constructing the Herder–Farmer Conflict as (in)Security in Nigeria","authors":"K. Chukwuma","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2020.1732703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1732703","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The recent spate of violence mostly in north-central and southern Nigeria, typically credited to conflicts between herders and farmers, and the reactions, narratives, and representations that have attended them, calls for an examination of core security questions: who or what is to be secured, from what threat and by what means. In fact, it could be further contextualized as: how is the conflict between farmers and herders constructed, framed, and represented as (in)security within the Nigerian context? Several existing works have approached the evolving conflict between pastoralists and farmers in Nigeria from a range of perspectives, mostly accounting for the reasons or causal factors driving such conflicts. This commonly includes references to ecological factors as responsible for the uncontrolled north-south migration of herdsmen which encourages the struggle for – and access to – land and its resources between herders and farmers. At the same time, some studies point to the rise of herdsmen militancy and in doing so draw inconclusive links to other security issues in Nigeria such as terrorism and secessionist movements. However, there have been significant efforts by state officials and interest groups to describe the conflict, either as producing insecurity or to refute such claims of insecurity. This study employs critical constructivism as advanced by Jutta Weldes to examine how the conflict is framed and represented as insecurity. It finds that the discourses produced by the federal and state governments as well as interest groups, constructs it in specific ways by linking specific factors to offer possible explanations of the conflict. As such, the discourses that frame the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria are: securitization, fulanisation, and sedentarisation. This study presents an important contribution to understanding the framing, constructions, and representations of the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"13 1","pages":"54 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2020.1732703","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44180019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Competing Architects: Applying Social Contextualist Analysis to Negotiations on the African Peace and Security Architecture","authors":"J. J. Hogan","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2020.1710915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1710915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Social contextualist analysis, by contrast to much of the existing research on international negotiations, emphasizes the social and organizational environment in which negotiations take place and the effect that it can have on the decision-making of participants. This paper applies a social contextualist lens to negotiations held to decide upon the form and function of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Certain elements of the Architecture, which is one of the central pillars of the African Union (AU), present something of a puzzle for theorists, given the cession of sovereignty they represent on a continent where leaders have traditionally been very protective of their authority. After illustrating the limited value of the most prominent approaches to negotiation analysis, the social contextualist framework is outlined. The analysis incorporates negotiations held to decide upon a number of features of APSA. Its findings rest upon interviews conducted with representatives from AU member states and AU officials, as well as examination of a broad range of primary and secondary documents. In highlighting the significance of factors that are generally overlooked by traditional approaches, a case is made for greater consideration of social contextual factors in analysis of international negotiations.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"13 1","pages":"3 - 27"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2020.1710915","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45369670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pentecostalism, Electoral Prophetism and National Security Challenges in Nigeria","authors":"Afamefune Patrick Ikem, C. N. Ogbonna, Olusola Ogunnubi","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2020.1731111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1731111","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In advanced democracies, professional pollsters forecast electoral outcomes with varying degrees of accuracy. The culture of public opinion polls is not yet fully entrenched in Nigeria due to over-politicization of issues. However, there seems to be a thin line between the spiritual and the temporal, with some religious leaders taking it upon themselves to predict outcomes which are often not achieved. This occurs in a tense environment characterized by strong links between politics and primordial ties, hate-speech, and involuntary migration to regions of origin, as well as the politicization of security. Fierce contestations occur among sub-national groups, with many threatening violence if their “son” is not elected. It is in this context that this article investigates the nexus between Pentecostalism and national security challenges in Nigeria. It suggests that with the fragile atmosphere within which elections are conducted, the pattern of prophetic electoral predictions adds to the national security challenges in Nigeria. Consequently, regulatory measures are required to tame this evolving phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"13 1","pages":"28 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2020.1731111","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44717811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Correction","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2020.1731290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1731290","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"13 1","pages":"I - I"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2020.1731290","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48855067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Weak State”, Regional Power, Global Player: Nigeria and the Response to Boko Haram","authors":"David Mickler, Muhammad Dan Suleiman, Benjamin Maiangwa","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2019.1667052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2019.1667052","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Much of the literature explaining Nigeria’s failure to counter the Boko Haram insurgency since 2009 has focused on the country’s internal governance, drawing on variations of the “weak state” concept. In this article, we argue that analysts also need to examine Nigeria’s international relations for a more critical explanation of why it took over five years to eventually halt the violent group’s territorial expansion and regular commission of atrocities. Through analysis of primary documents from various institutions involved in responding to Boko Haram between 2010 to 2015, and elite interviews with academics, security officials and other analysts, this article argues that Nigeria’s relatively powerful regional and global positions effectively precluded coercive international intervention and, in doing so, reduced external pressure on Abuja to act more decisively to counter this major threat to security at the human, national and regional levels. Thus, we demonstrate that so-called “weak” states that are simultaneously powerful internationally can manage pressure for action on violence occurring inside their borders.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"272 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2019.1667052","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44398566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revolutionary Warfare? Assessing the Character of Competing Factions within the Boko Haram Insurgency","authors":"Ed Stoddard","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2019.1668632","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2019.1668632","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The respective politico-military characters of the competing factions within the Boko Haram insurgency have not received as much academic attention as other features of the Boko Haram phenomenon. This article uses the concept of “revolutionary warfare” to examine and compare the two main factions. Traditionally applied to Marxist movements, this conceptualization is increasingly associated with violent Jihadist groups who combine a revolutionary ideology with a strategy based on winning popular support and a growing ability to militarily beat conventional forces. It argues that the “Islamic State West Africa Province” faction has adopted a revolutionary warfare approach based on increasingly sophisticated semi-conventional warfare and a simultaneous drive to win popular support. The Jama’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihad faction, while equally revolutionary in its goals, appears, for doctrinal reasons and due to pressure from the military, to be operating in contrast to key revolutionary warfare precepts.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"300 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2019.1668632","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49482222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Combating Violent Extremism in Africa: Terrorism and Piracy","authors":"Temitope B. Oriola, W. Knight","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2019.1678230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2019.1678230","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorism and piratical acts continue to be major security challenges in Africa. This combined issue of African Security (volume 12, issues 3/4) brings a critical focus on attempts to combat these virulent forms of violent extremism on Africa’s West and East Coasts: Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin and piracy in Djibouti and Kenya. Combatting violent extremism in the first case has been an abysmal failure, whereas in the second case there are signs of hope that security sector reforms (SSR), with the assistance of external capacity-building partners, might be a way of improving governance to counter extremist actors. The first paper provides a refreshing insight on the persistence and intractability of Boko Haram. The paper “‘Weak state’, regional power, global player: Nigeria and the response to Boko Haram” goes beyond prevailing orthodox understanding of the nature of the Nigerian state and its failure to defeat Boko Haram. The authors, Mickler, Dan Suleiman and Maiangwa, pose a fundamental question: Why was there no effective effort by the Nigerian state or external actors to curb the excessive violence of Boko Haram from July 2010 to January 2015? That period was marked by significant territorial expansion of Boko Haram and an attendant exponential increase in mass civilian casualties. Mickler et al. argue that the character of the international relations of Nigeria is one critical area that has been neglected by scholars. The paper’s perspective is a fascinating one with a rather unique conclusion: the patently contradictory trifecta of state weakness, regional strength and global status immanent in Nigeria created the conditions leading to the country’s ineffectual response to Boko Haram. State weakness fostered an inept and corruption-ridden response while Nigeria’s regional and global stature ensured that regional entities, such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) and global institutions were unable to take the kind of combative steps that might have defeated Boko Haram were those bodies dealing with a less prominent state. The article implies that ostensibly weak states may in fact be able to deploy their regional and international status and diplomacy in a way that prevents external intervention in their internal affairs. In a thematically related piece, Edward Stoddard interrogates the tendency of observers and scholars to treat Boko Haram as a monolithic entity. In the second paper of this issue, Stoddard draws on the concept of “revolutionary warfare” to juxtapose the two factions of Boko Haram – the “Islamic State West Africa Province” (ISWAP) led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi (until March 2019), and Jama’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihad (“the People Committed to the Prophet’s Teaching and Jihad” or JASDJ) led by Abubakar Shekau. The concept of revolutionary warfare includes, inter alia revolutionary ideology, garnering public support and guerrilla tactics ensconced within an overall","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"269 - 271"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2019.1678230","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47584452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Policing the Seas: Building Constabulary Maritime Governance in the Horn of Africa – The Case of Djibouti and Kenya","authors":"R. McCabe","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2019.1667053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2019.1667053","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The upsurge of Somali based maritime piracy after 2005 resulted in considerable international activity in the Horn of Africa, ranging from naval missions to capacity building projects. It also ushered in a new focus by regional states on the dangers as well as the opportunities associated with the sea. In Kenya and Djibouti, two states directly impacted by piracy, this resulted in a strategic shift toward the ocean, breaking with a historical land-centric security approach, in an attempt to reform their domestic maritime sectors and coastal governance architectures by capitalizing on assistance from external capacity building providers. This article adds rigor to the field of maritime security studies by zooming in on how two key littoral states have reformed their domestic maritime sectors following a decline in acts of piracy. It explores important questions such as how have Djibouti and Kenya approached maritime governance historically? How are their territorial maritime spaces delineated and defined? How has the phenomena of piracy influenced the development of coastal governance in both countries? Has this led to innovative practices? Can these practices be applied in other jurisdictions? Finally, what has been the impact of external capacity building assistance on the development of both Djibouti and Kenya’s maritime sector and respective approaches to coastal governance and enforcement? This research is significant as it sheds new light on the limitations and challenges facing domestic maritime security sectors in Africa, but also highlights new ways states can improve and build maritime constabulary governance through international partnerships, capacity development and embracing the blue economic agenda using the cases of Djibouti and Kenya as archetypal models.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"330 - 355"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2019.1667053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45920870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"When a Political Party Turns against Its Cadres: ZANU PF Factional Infightings 2004-2017","authors":"Mediel Hove","doi":"10.1080/19392206.2019.1628450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2019.1628450","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party turned against its cadres between 2004 and 2017. It argues that the infightings were caused by Mugabe, who pitted one faction against the other as the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) PF cashiered its cadres to safeguard Mugabe. It was the same militarized factionalism that catapulted Mugabe to the helm of the national liberation movement in 1977, spearheaded his removal in 2017, and propelled Mnangagwa to become President. However, Mnangagwa – who replaced Mugabe, the Machiavellian manipulator of his party’s factionalism – lacked adroit skills, hence the sense of rudderlessness and incoherence in the party.","PeriodicalId":44631,"journal":{"name":"African Security","volume":"12 1","pages":"200 - 233"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19392206.2019.1628450","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44370231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}