Fernanda Bárcia de Mattos, Gabriela Dutrénit, Valeria Esquivel, Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid
{"title":"The effects of automation on employment: Case studies in Mexico's apparel and footwear sectors","authors":"Fernanda Bárcia de Mattos, Gabriela Dutrénit, Valeria Esquivel, Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12359","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"535-559"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From protagonist to laggard, from pariah to phoenix: Emergence, decline, and re-emergence of Brazilian climate change policy, 2003–2023","authors":"Joana Castro Pereira, Eduardo Viola","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12356","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Brazil is a major greenhouse gas emitter and is highly vulnerable to climate change. Amazonian deforestation control 2005–2012 and a comprehensive national climate change adaptation plan in 2016 created opportunities for consistent climate action. Yet, subsequent administrations reversed this progress, turning the country into a laggard. President Lula is reviving the national climate agenda. In this article, we use the traditional framework of interests, institutions, and ideas to examine Brazilian climate politics and policies of the past decade, focusing on the country's major emitting sectors and adaptation plans. We identify the factors that hindered the achievement of Brazil's climate goals from the early 2010s to 2022 and investigate Lula's new mandate. Brazil currently shows renewed proclimate momentum, especially in Amazon deforestation control, but hurdles persist, including resistance from Congress, fossil fuel focus, financial frailties, and an uncertain foreign policy.</p><p>巴西是温室气体排放大国,极易受到气候变化的影响。2005年至2012年亚马逊森林砍伐控制和2016年全面的国家气候变化适应计划为持续的气候行动创造了机会。然而,随后的政府扭转了这一进展,使该国成为落后者。卢拉总统正在重振国家气候议程。本文中,我们使用关于利益、制度和思想的传统框架来分析过去十年巴西的气候政治和政策,聚焦于该国的主要排放部门和适应计划。我们识别了从2010年代初到2022年间巴西实现气候目标的阻碍因素,并调查了卢拉的新授权。巴西目前显示出新的气候支持势头,尤其是在亚马逊森林砍伐控制方面,但障碍仍然存在,包括国会的阻力、对化石燃料的关注、财政脆弱性、以及不确定的外交政策。</p><p>Brasil es un importante emisor de gases de efecto invernadero y altamente vulnerable al cambio climático. El control de la deforestación amazónica entre 2005 y 2012, junto con un plan nacional integral de adaptación al cambio climático en 2016, creó oportunidades para una acción climática coherente. Sin embargo, las administraciones posteriores revirtieron estos avances, convirtiendo al país en un rezagado. El presidente Lula está revitalizando la agenda climática nacional. En este artículo, utilizamos el marco tradicional de intereses, instituciones e ideas para examinar la política y las políticas climáticas de Brasil en la última década, enfocándonos en los principales sectores emisores del país y en el plan de adaptación. Identificamos los factores que obstaculizaron el logro de los objetivos climáticos de Brasil desde principios de la década de 2010 hasta 2022 e investigamos el nuevo mandato de Lula. Actualmente, Brasil muestra un renovado impulso pro-climático, especialmente en el control de la deforestación amazónica, pero persisten obstáculos, como la resistencia del Congreso, la prioridad en los combustibles fósiles, las debilidades financieras y una política exterior incierta.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"400-422"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Complementing electoral democracy assessment: The Plebiscitary Electoral Democracy Index and its application to the Andean Community, 2003–2022","authors":"Ana Marcela Paredes","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12357","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study employs the V-Dem database and proposes an alternative calculation of the regular Electoral Democracy Index by incorporating the Direct Popular Vote Index, a component of the Participatory Democracy Index. The result is the creation of the Plebiscitary Electoral Democracy Index. To validate this index proposal, the article conducts an empirical test focusing on the Andean Community countries over the past two decades that compares the existing Electoral Democracy Index with the new proposed index from 2003 to 2022. The findings reveal that the proposed index reflects a consistently lower level of democracy than that measured by the Electoral Democracy Index across all Andean cases. This research shows how incorporating participation indicators in assessing electoral democracy reveals distinct conclusions regarding the state of democracy than those from the previously established Electoral Democracy Index. The comparatively lower levels of democracy emphasize the importance of incorporating a participatory dimension in the Electoral Democracy Index to develop a more comprehensive and regionally nuanced approach to measuring democracy that can be applied to understand better the evolution of democracy everywhere.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"372-399"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.12357","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Has Mexican democracy collapsed? Current explanations and future avenues for research","authors":"Alejandro Espinosa Herrera","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12360","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"522-534"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Deceitful autocratization: Subverting democracy through electoral reform in Mexico","authors":"Alejandro Monsiváis-Carrillo","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12353","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Antipluralist incumbents often resort to opaque and deceptive strategies to subvert democracy. One such strategy involves devising formal institutions that pretend to promote and deepen democracy while enforcing authoritarian rule instead. This study labels such a strategy as “deceitful autocratization” and argues that a case that illustrates how antipluralist presidents promote it is the electoral reform launched by Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico. The analysis shows that López Obrador is a populist leader who also features prominent illiberal and antipluralist attributes. The article examines the political process that led to the legal modifications he introduced, which aimed at an overhaul of the country's system of electoral governance, one of the crucial foundations of Mexican democracy. The reform was supposed to democratize the regime, eliminate electoral fraud, and reduce the cost of elections. In fact, it represented a step forward in establishing competitive authoritarianism.</p><p>反多元主义的在位者经常诉诸不透明和欺骗性的策略来颠覆民主。其中一种策略是设计一系列假装促进和深化民主但实际上却执行独裁统治的正式制度。本研究将这种策略称为“欺骗性的专制化”,并论证认为,一个案例能说明反多元主义总统如何推广这种策略,即安德烈斯·曼努埃尔·洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔在墨西哥发起的选举改革。分析表明,洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔是一位民粹主义领导人,同时也具有明显的反自由主义和反多元主义特征。本文分析了导致他引入的法律修改的政治进程,这些修改旨在彻底改革该国的选举治理系统,而选举治理系统是墨西哥民主的重要基础之一。这项改革旨在使政权民主化、消除选举舞弊、并降低选举成本。事实上,它代表着更进一步地建立竞争性威权主义。</p><p>Los gobernantes antipluralistas suelen recurrir a estrategias opacas y engañosas para subvertir la democracia. Una de ellas consiste en crear instituciones formales que pretenden reforzar el carácter democrático del régimen, pero que en realidad promueven el debilitamiento de esa democracia. Este estudio denomina a dicha estrategia como “autocratización engañosa” y argumenta que la reforma electoral promovida por Andrés Manuel López Obrador en México es un caso que ilustra cómo los presidentes antipluralistas utilizan tal estrategia. El análisis muestra que López Obrador es un líder populista que también se caracteriza por un estilo de liderazgo antiliberal y antipluralista. El artículo examina el proceso político que condujo a las modificaciones legales que promovió el gobierno de López Obrador, cuyo objetivo era reformar a fondo el sistema electoral del país, uno de los fundamentos cruciales de la democracia mexicana. Se suponía que esa reforma democratizaría el régimen, eliminaría los “fraudes electorales” y reduciría el costo de las elecciones. En la práctica, el resultado contribuyó a establecer un autoritarismo competitivo.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"486-508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Covid-19 and its effect on formal employment in Mexico: Are there signs of recovery?","authors":"Oscar A. Martínez-Martínez, Javier Reyes-Martínez","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12355","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The conditions of the Mexican labor market during the Covid-19 pandemic went through different stages. The government first declared a quarantine that lasted for several months, the effects of which continue to be quantified. In that sense, this article answers two questions, (1) what are the changes in labor formality rates before and 2 years after the Covid-19 pandemic began in Mexico?; and (2) are there differences in economic sectors and between genders? We use the methodology proposed by Chacaltana and McMillan to measure the variation in the labor formality rate in its two components, (1) intrasectoral; and (2) intersectoral, through 9 quarterly editions of the National Occupation and Employment Survey. The results show that in the first 2 years of the pandemic and especially during the time of confinement, labor informality was not a means to maintain household income, as had happened in other economic crises. Likewise, important sectoral effects were found, with the most affected industries being nonessential ones. Finally, gender gaps widened, with women being the most affected in the formal and informal labor market due to pre-existing conditions that were aggravated by the pandemic.</p><p>新冠肺炎大流行期间,墨西哥劳动力市场的状况经历了不同阶段。政府首先宣布了为期数月的隔离,其影响仍在量化中。从这个意义上讲,本文回答了两个问题:(1)墨西哥的新冠肺炎大流行开始前和两年后,劳动正规化率有何变化?(2)不同经济部门和不同性别在这方面是否存在差异?我们使用Chacaltana和McMillan提出的方法,通过九个季度的全国职业和就业调查,衡量了劳动正规化率在其两个组成部分(即部门内和部门间)中的差异。结果表明,在大流行爆发后的前两年(尤其是在封锁期间),与其他经济危机中发生的不一样的是,劳动非正规性并不是维持家庭收入的一种手段。同样,还发现了重要的部门影响,其中受影响最严重的行业是非必要行业。最后,由于大流行加剧了既有状况,女性在正规和非正规劳动力市场中受到的影响最大,性别差距进一步扩大。</p><p>Las condiciones del mercado laboral mexicano pasaron por diferentes etapas durante la pandemia del Covid-19. El gobierno declaró primero una cuarentena que duró varios meses, cuyos efectos aún se siguen cuantificando. En ese sentido, este artículo responde dos preguntas, (1) ¿cuáles son los cambios en las tasas de formalidad laboral en México antes de la pandemia y dos años después de su inicio?; y (2) ¿Existen diferencias por sectores económicos y género? Para responder estas preguntas, utilizamos la metodología propuesta por Chacaltana y McMillan para medir la variación de la tasa de formalidad laboral en sus dos componentes, (1) intrasectorial; y (2) intersectorial, a través de nueve ediciones trimestrales de la Encuesta Nacional de Ocupación y Empleo. Los resultados muestran que en los dos primeros años de la pandemia y especialmente durante el tiempo de confinamiento, la informalidad laboral no fue un medio para mantener los ingresos de los hogares, como había sucedido en otras crisis económicas. Asimismo, se encontraron importantes efectos sectoriales, donde los más afectados fueron los considerados no esenciales por parte del gobierno. Finalmente, las brechas de género se ampliaron, siendo las mujeres las más afectadas en el mercado laboral formal e informal debido a condiciones preexistentes que se vieron agravadas por la pandemia.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"460-485"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Electoral manipulation and postelectoral protests in Latin America","authors":"Jaroslav Bílek","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12354","url":null,"abstract":"<p>What is the relationship between electoral manipulation and postelection protests in Latin America? The political science literature has traditionally expected that election manipulation can lead to postelection demonstrations, but the research has not dealt much with how the elections were manipulated. This study aims to fill this gap. An analysis of 221 elections in Latin America between 1980 and 2020 shows that the relationship between electoral manipulation and postelection protests is far more complex than conventional explanations suggest. The results show that pre-election manipulation does not increase the likelihood of postelection protests. Regarding manipulation during elections, it appears that citizens of Latin American countries are susceptible to administrative fraud. Contrary to previous studies, intimidation and vote buying also have no effect.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"362-371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.12354","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142275032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Six months of Javier Milei","authors":"Ignacio Labaqui","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12358","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"509-521"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Analyzing prejudice against immigrants in sending countries: The Brazilian case","authors":"Feliciano de Sá Guimarães, Ivan Filipe Fernandes","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12352","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Prejudice against immigrants has been widely studied in the literature, but analyzing immigrant-receiving countries is not the same as analyzing sending countries, where the number of immigrants is very low. To address this gap, we examine the case of Brazil, a country that has witnessed numerous anecdotal episodes of prejudice against immigrants despite having a very low flow of migrants and therefore minimal material effects on the local population. Our study focuses on the levels of discrimination against immigrants in Brazil, with a specific analysis of four groups—Haitians, Germans, Venezuelans, and internal migrants known as <i>nordestinos</i>. We consider three policy-related scenarios—housing, health care, and job training. To mitigate social desirability bias, we employ a combination of list and endorsement survey experiments in a face-to-face national sample of 1850 respondents conducted in January 2019. The results reveal a widespread negative perception of all groups of foreigners across all scenarios except the local group of migrants. The findings suggest that the Brazilian public's discrimination against foreigners is linked to a pervasive misperception of the social and economic threat immigrants allegedly pose to the nation.</p><p>现有文献已广泛研究了对移民的偏见;然而,“分析移民接收国”与“分析移民数量非常少的移民输出国”并不相同。为了填补该研究空白,我们分析了巴西的情况,尽管巴西的移民流量非常低(因此对当地人口的实际影响很小),但该国却目睹了许多对移民有偏见的传闻。我们的研究重点是巴西对移民的歧视程度,具体分析了四个群体——海地人、德国人、委内瑞拉人和被称为“nordestinos”的国内移民。我们考量了三种与政策相关的情景——住房、医疗保健和职业培训。为了减轻社会期望偏差,我们于2019年1月对1850名受访者进行了面对面的全国样本调查,结合了列表和认可调查实验。结果显示,除当地移民群体外,所有情景中都对外国人群体存在普遍的负面感知。研究结果表明,巴西公众对外国人的歧视与“普遍误解移民对国家构成的社会和经济威胁”密切相关。</p><p>Los prejuicios contra los inmigrantes han sido ampliamente estudiados en la literatura; sin embargo, no es lo mismo analizar los países receptores de inmigrantes que los países emisores, donde el número de inmigrantes es muy bajo. Para abordar esta carencia, examinamos el caso de Brasil, un país que ha sido testigo de numerosos episodios anecdóticos de prejuicios contra los inmigrantes a pesar de tener un flujo muy bajo de inmigrantes y, por tanto, efectos materiales mínimos sobre la población local. Nuestro estudio se centra en los niveles de discriminación contra los inmigrantes en Brasil, con un análisis específico de cuatro grupos: haitianos, alemanes, venezolanos e inmigrantes internos conocidos como nordestinos. Consideramos tres escenarios relacionados con las políticas: vivienda, asistencia sanitaria y formación para el empleo. Para mitigar el sesgo de deseabilidad social, empleamos una combinación de experimentos de encuesta de lista y endoso en una muestra nacional presencial de 1850 encuestados realizada en enero de 2019. Los resultados revelan una percepción negativa generalizada de todos los grupos de extranjeros en todos los escenarios, excepto el grupo local de migrantes. Los resultados sugieren que la discriminación del público brasileño contra los extranjeros está vinculada a una percepción errónea generalizada de la amenaza soc","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"423-459"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142273094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rooted globalism. Arab–Latin American business elites and the politics of global imaginaries By Kevin Funk: Indiana University. 2022. pp. 270. $75","authors":"Marta Tawil Kuri","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12351","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lamp.12351","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 3","pages":"565-568"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141925405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}