Latin American Policy最新文献

{"title":"The Cuban Autocratic Regime: Between Resilience and Challenges","authors":"Armando Chaguaceda","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70008","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The Cuban political regime, the only autocracy belonging to the Soviet model in the western hemisphere, shows a greater duration and stability to the rest of regional authoritarianisms. Transiting a totalitarian stage to a post-technical model, it has combined elements such as charismatic leadership and bureaucracy, military and civil power, coercion, and propaganda. But in the last years, it faces a growing social discontent and a huge increase in migration, derived from its inability to provide goods and services, of the exhaustion of its legitimacy, everything that puts in question the survival of the regime and the elite that governs it.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143554431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Mercosur and Post-Neoliberal Regionalism: Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela, and the Challenges of Relaunching the Bloc","authors":"Tiago Soares Nogara","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70005","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This article examines the redefinition of the Common Southern Market during the rise of Latin America's pink tide, focusing on how debates over Venezuela's accession intersect with the broader context of post-neoliberal regionalism. Drawing on literature reviews and primary sources, the study highlights the differing approaches of Brazil, Venezuela, and Argentina to reshaping Latin American regionalism. These divergent strategies influenced Mercosur's institutional reforms and underscored the challenges of reconciling key differences among leftist governments regarding broader regional objectives. Ultimately, the article concludes that conflicts surrounding Venezuela's entry were pivotal in determining Mercosur's trajectory, revealing both the potential and the limits of post-neoliberal integration at that time.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143554430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Beyond Realpolitik: Norms and Identities in Taiwan–Paraguay Relations","authors":"Mitchell Gallagher","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70002","url":null,"abstract":"<p>在地缘政治竞争的激流中, 哪些观念力量为国家间关系注入了活力？在台湾外交日益受到中国强制性修正主义围攻的时代, 台湾与巴拉圭的坚定伙伴关系是一个值得审视的异常现象。受“台湾盟友纷纷倒戈北京势力”的推动, 本文探讨了如何通过“以规范、身份和主体间性为中心的建构主义”来阐明台湾与巴拉圭的外交关系, 这种关系是一种不太可能的、超越物质激励的亲密关系。通过采用一项定性案例研究方法和解释性分析, 本研究分析了支撑这种亲密关系的观念基础。研究结果揭示, 台湾和巴拉圭的忠诚关系源于对自由民主、自决和人权理想的坚定承诺。他们的关系通过一系列体现互信和同理心的社会文化交流而培育了认知融合。台湾与之相呼应的民主认同感对志同道合的观念假设产生了磁性的“软实力”吸引力。巴拉圭拒绝北京方面的强制性收复主义反映了其对颂扬主权平等和多元国际秩序的规范的内化。台湾-巴拉圭关系凸显了建构主义在解读令人惊讶的国家亲密关系方面的理论效力。通过本研究, 我们全面了解了一系列编排全球秩序的力量——其中, 能力通过规范、身份和跨国社会化过程得以体现。</p><p>¿Qué fuerzas conceptuales dan vida a las relaciones entre estados en medio de las corrientes cargadas de rivalidad geopolítica? En una era donde la existencia diplomática de Taiwán se ve cada vez más asediada por el revisionismo coercitivo de China, su firme asociación con Paraguay se presenta como una anomalía que merece escrutinio. Impulsado por las monumentales defecciones de los aliados de Taiwán hacia la órbita de Beijing, este artículo interroga: ¿cómo puede el vínculo diplomático Taiwán-Paraguay, una afinidad improbable que trasciende los incentivos materiales, ser elucidado a través de un constructivismo centrado en normas, identidades e intersubjetividades? Adoptando una metodología de estudio de caso cualitativo y análisis interpretativo, la investigación excava las subestructuras conceptuales que sostienen este parentesco. Los hallazgos develan la fidelidad de Taiwán y Paraguay que emana de un compromiso fundamental con los ideales de la democracia liberal, la autodeterminación y los derechos humanos. Su relación nutre la convergencia cognitiva a través de intercambios socioculturales que manifiestan confianza y empatía mutuas. La resonante identidad democrática de Taiwán ejerce una atracción magnética de “poder blando” sobre una Asunción afín. El rechazo de Paraguay al irredentismo coercitivo de Beijing refleja una internalización de normas que celebran la igualdad soberana y un orden internacional pluralista. Los vínculos Taiwán-Paraguay destacan la potencia teórica del constructivismo para decodificar afinidades estatales sorprendentes. De esta investigación, obtenemos una comprensión holística de las fuerzas que coreografían el orden global—donde las capacidades se refractan a través de normas, identidades y procesos de socialización transnacional.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143554432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Assessing Latin America's Trade Blocs and Social Policies in Andean and Southern Cone Countries, and Considering Cuban Politics","authors":"Isidro Morales","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70007","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;This first issue of Latin American Policy (LAC) for 2025 includes six pieces of high-quality policy research and an opinion article. Alan Fairlie Reinoso and Stacy Alvarado Paipay estimate inequality indexes and assess the presence of convergence within and among Latin American integration blocs—The Pacific Alliance, the Andean Community and the Southern Common Market. They conclude that inequality has increased from 1990 to 2021, with Mercosur exhibiting the highest levels of inequality, followed by the Andean Community and the Pacific Alliance. They also demonstrate a lack of economic convergence between the Southern Common Market and the Andean Community during periods of unilateral trade liberalization, North–South free trade agreements, and the commodities boom.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Francisco Santos-Carrillo and Bruno Theodoro Luciano review the structures, processes, and outcomes of civil society participation in regional governance in three representative regional projects—the Andean Community, The Southern Common Market, and the Central American Integration System. They argue that despite some differences in institutional design, with the Central American Integration System developing a supranational logic of membership in contrast to the intergovernmental settings of the other two cases, social participation in the three cases is limited to agenda facilitation, and its effects on regional decision-making is residual.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Tiago Soares Nogara examines the redefinition of the Common Southern Market during the rise of Latin America's pink tide, focusing on how debates over Venezuela's accession intersect with the broader context of post-neoliberal regionalism. He concludes that conflicts surrounding Venezuela's entry were pivotal in determining Mercosur's trajectory, revealing both the potential and the limits of post-neoliberal integration at that time.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Santiago Albuja argues that international organizations played a relevant role in designing the Human Development Bonus in Ecuador by imposing structural adjustment reforms, establishing the conditions for the delivery of loans, and offering technical assistance. Meanwhile, Mitchell Gallagher analyzes the Taiwan–Paraguay diplomatic bond through constructivism centering norms, identities, and intersubjectivities. He argues that Taiwan and Paraguay's fidelity flows from a bedrock commitment to ideals of liberal democracy, self-determination, and human rights.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Milva Geri, Fernanda Villarreal, and Nebel Moscoso explore the determinants of contribution density to the Argentine pension system using administrative data from 1996 to 2021. They conclude that the density of contributions is low and depends on the branch of economic activity, the jurisdiction where the company is located, the individual's income and gender, and the age of enrollment.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Finally, Armando Chaguaceda's opinion article gives insight into how the Cuban regime is now facing domestic and global challenges. His text exami","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.70007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143456064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Inequality and Convergence in Latin American Regional Trade Agreements","authors":"Alan Fairlie Reinoso,&nbsp;Stacy Alvarado Paipay","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70000","url":null,"abstract":"<p>拉丁美洲一体化进程既有重大进展, 也有挫折；它是由经济融合的潜力推动的, 旨在减少该地区国家之间的差距和不对称。本文旨在估计不平等指数, 并评估拉丁美洲一体化集团——太平洋联盟、安第斯共同体和南方共同市场——内部和之间的融合情况。为了实现这一目标, 计算了过去22年的不平等指标——包括西格玛离差、基尼系数和泰尔指数。研究结果表明, 在研究的大部分时期内, 不平等现象都有所加剧, 其中南方共同市场的不平等程度最高, 其次是安第斯共同体和太平洋联盟。此外, 对1990年至2021年数据的分析表明, 在单边贸易自由化、南北自由贸易协定和大宗商品繁荣时期, 南方共同市场和安第斯共同体之间缺乏经济融合。同样, 太平洋联盟也没有显示出其成员国之间经济融合的证据。尽管2012年成立的该集团表明趋势可能发生变化, 但这种变化不足以建立明确的 (经济) 融合。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143456062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Variations in Design, But Similar Effects: Social Participation in the Andean Community, Mercosur, and the Central American Integration System","authors":"Francisco Santos-Carrillo,&nbsp;Bruno Theodoro Luciano","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70004","url":null,"abstract":"<p>本文对拉丁美洲不同区域组织的社会参与空间进行了比较研究。从制度主义的角度出发, 我们述评了三个代表性区域项目 (即安第斯共同体、南方共同市场和中美洲一体化体系) 中“公民社会参与区域治理”的结构、过程和结果。本文旨在描述拉丁美洲区域组织的社会参与渠道的制度设计差异, 识别它们的异同、模式和对区域治理的影响, 以及公民社会组织在这些区域主义过程中发挥的作用。我们反思了设计差异的相关性、这种差异的原因及其对区域治理的影响。我们论证, 尽管制度设计存在一些差异, 但中美洲一体化体系与其他两个案例的政府间设置相比, 发展了一种超国家的成员资格逻辑, 因此这三个案例中的社会参与仅限于议程促进, 并且其对区域决策的影响是残余的。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143455970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Programmatic Ideas Adopted Through Policy Diffusion in the Design of the Human Development Bonus (HDB) in Ecuador","authors":"Wilson Santiago Albuja Echeverría","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70003","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Cash transfer programs emerged in the mid-1990s, eventually spreading to Latin America and the Caribbean, and later, throughout the world. The contributions of international organizations have shaped, driven, and diffused these cash transfer programs. The questions guiding this research concern how the Human Development Bonus in Ecuador was designed and how the programmatic ideas of international organizations influence decision and policy makers. The hypothesis posits that international organizations’ programmatic ideas about cash transfer programs, positioned as instruments to combat poverty, are diffused throughout the national context as an instrument of compensation for the most vulnerable families, with policy makers adopting mechanisms of coercion, emulation, and learning when designing the Human Development Bonus. From a neo-institutionalist perspective, public policy networks are analyzed, demonstrating that the origin of the Human Development Bonus is endogenous; it began as an instrument of fiscal policy amid the possible elimination of the gas subsidy, which did not materialize, and it then moved to social policy. International organizations played a relevant role in designing the Human Development Bonus by imposing structural adjustment reforms, establishing the conditions for the delivery of loans, and offering technical assistance.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143455969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Determinants of Contribution Density to the Argentine Pension System: An Analysis by Cohorts, 1996–2021","authors":"Milva Geri,&nbsp;Fernanda Villarreal,&nbsp;Nebel Moscoso","doi":"10.1111/lamp.70001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.70001","url":null,"abstract":"<p>缴费密度与劳动形式不同；它指的是在给定时期内平均每个工人可以累积的缴费金额或比例。本文旨在从1996年至2021年的行政数据中识别阿根廷养老金系统缴费密度的决定因素。使用负二项回归方法, 提出了一个计量经济模型来解释8个群体 (基于社会人口因素和工作特征) 的缴费密度。结果发现, 缴费密度较低, 并且缴费密度取决于经济活动部门、公司所在的管辖区、个人的收入和性别、以及入学年龄。结果与其他研究阿根廷和拉丁美洲国家缴费密度的论文结果相似。</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143423604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The arguments of El Norte's editorialists on the mandate revocation in Mexico","authors":"Eduardo E. Parrilla Sotomayor","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12365","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article analyzes a sample of editorial opinions from <i>El Norte</i> newspaper on the mandate revocation of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. In the March 27, 2022 edition, 2 weeks before the consultation, 46 editorialists expressed their opinions on the matter. Through Toulmin's theory of argumentation, this article analyzes the three ideological stances they took to determine whether they incur in fallacies—those who stated they would abstain from participating because they are against the President, those who stated they would participate to revoke his mandate, and those who expressed that the revocation was a valid exercise without stating how they would vote.</p>","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 4","pages":"648-665"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2025-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143248854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"It takes two to tango: Electoral monitoring by and in authoritarian states, the case of Venezuela","authors":"Vladimir Rouvinski,&nbsp;Juan Pablo Milanese","doi":"10.1111/lamp.12364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12364","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The last few decades have seen a significant increase in the study of electoral monitoring processes. This body of work underscores the crucial role of these processes in recognizing democracies and emphasizes the role of electoral monitoring in ensuring the integrity of elections, lending credibility and legitimacy to the outcomes. At the same time, it is important to note that while elections are essential to democratic norms, the mere fact that elections are held is not sufficient to distinguish between democratic and authoritarian regimes, prompting us to delve deeper into exploring the nature of political systems. Moreover, after the third wave of democratization, various forms of electoral authoritarianism proliferated, making the distinction even more difficult (Schedler &lt;span&gt;2016&lt;/span&gt;).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Against this background, it is not surprising that a great deal of literature on electoral monitoring focuses explicitly on the cases of electoral authoritarianism and addresses a type that Walker and Cooley (&lt;span&gt;2013&lt;/span&gt;) describe as a “zombie” monitoring process—the election monitors pretend to adhere to international electoral observation standards, but there is a clear preference for and tolerance of undemocratic practices carried out by incumbents (Debre and Morgenbesser &lt;span&gt;2017&lt;/span&gt;). Recently, support for the incumbent president by observers from authoritarian regimes during Venezuela's 2024 presidential election, marked by electoral fraud, clearly highlights the continuous involvement of such actors.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;At the same time, it is fundamental to point out that the scholarly contributions we revised approach the topic from a one-dimensional perspective, either from the supply (international) or the demand (domestic) level of electoral observations. In our case, we examine the incidence of zombie electoral monitoring from both sides of the transactional mechanism, combining them with either the democratic or autocratic nature of the suppliers and demanders. We call for the elaboration of a novel theoretical model that effectively pairs entities that cannot be considered separately. This model must not only enable a fertile discussion between two fields of knowledge—international relations and comparative politics—but also offer a renewed perspective on the issue of zombie electoral monitoring considering the propagation of the phenomenon around the world lately.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;To illustrate the application of our proposed framework, we will examine one of the most seriously questioned and contested elections in the region in recent years, that of Venezuela. We will discuss Russia's role as a “zombie-type” electoral monitoring supplier and argue that this scenario demonstrates clearly the link we are focused on—the supply-and-demand relationship between autocracies.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Our starting point is that every electoral monitoring process must be understood within a two-tier framework—domestic and international. With this perspective, the existe","PeriodicalId":42501,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Policy","volume":"15 4","pages":"710-716"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lamp.12364","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143252749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}