{"title":"Interaction of dou and scope effects in Mandarin relative clause","authors":"Huilei Wang","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5350","url":null,"abstract":"How to analyze the multi-functional focus-sensitive operatordouinMandarin has been a long-standing debate (Lin 1998; Giannakidou & Cheng 2006;Xiang 2008; Liao 2011; Liu 2017, 2018; Xiang 2020, a.o.). In this paper, I providenovel arguments for the analysis ofdouin analogy toonlyproposed in Xiang (2020),by examining the interaction ofdouwith scope effects in relative clauses embeddedin different matrix clauses. I propose that the scope effects in RCs embedded innon-specificational sentences are derived from long QR of the embedded QP, whilethose in specificational sentences result from a natural-function analysis of the RC,which does not involve movement of the focus associated withdou. Crucially, thefocus-semantics ofdoublocks the former while is compatible with the latter. Thepuzzles and the proposed solution also adds new perspective into the more generalquestion of focus-association with moved elements.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"197 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74417872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A higher-order plurality solution to Xiang's (2021) puzzle","authors":"Brian Buccola","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5386","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5386","url":null,"abstract":"Xiang (2021) notes the following puzzle: plural wh-questions involving certain collective predicates are predicted to carry a uniqueness presupposition (Dayal 1996), yet intuitively they don’t (cf. Gentile & Schwarz 2020). She proposes that such questions have ‘higher-order readings’ (Spector 2007, 2008), and crucially that they have answers naming boolean conjunctions. I show that for the data she considers, recourse to higher-order question readings is mistaken: Xiang’s puzzle should be solved with higher-order plurality, and I provide empirical justification for this approach, mirroring for questions the recent findings for declaratives by Buccola, Kuhn & Nicolas (2021).","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74815959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"German clefts address unexpected questions","authors":"Swantje Tönnis, Judith Tonhauser","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5359","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we provide empirical evidence for Tönnis' (2021) hypothesis that German cleft sentences address relatively unexpected questions in discourse while their canonical variants address relatively expected questions. We present an experiment that measures the relative preference between the German cleft and its canonical variant in contexts that differ with respect to how expected the question is that they answer. The expectedness of the question was measured separately in a norming study. The result of the experiment supports analyses of German clefts that take discourse expectations into account when analyzing the acceptability of clefts in contrast to canonical sentences. Approaches that primarily focus on differences in exhaustivity (e.g., De Veaugh-Geiss et al. 2018) or contrast (e.g., Rochemont 1986) need to be adapted in order to account for the results.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76447954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rhetorically-based scalar-additivity: The view from Italian addirittura","authors":"Salvatore Pistoia-Reda, L. McNally","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5397","url":null,"abstract":"Even-like particles have widely been analyzed as inducing scalar andadditive presuppositions (cf. Horn 1969; Karttunen & Peters 1979; Rooth 1992; Gast& van der Auwera 2011). However, the additivity of even has been controversialsince at least Rullmann 1997 and increasingly called into question (see Greenberg& Umbach 2021 for references); Greenberg specifically argues that scalar even-likeparticles can vary in additivity. This claim is surprising in light of the typologicalstudy in Gast & van der Auwera 2011, which subsumes even and similar expressionsunder a larger class of additive particles. Against this background, we present ananalysis of Italian addirittura, which with perfino has been described as scalaradditive(Visconti 2005) – but only optionally so – and is chosen preferentially overperfino precisely in those contexts that Greenberg takes to challenge the additivity ofeven. We argue, drawing on observations in Atayan 2017, that addirittura contrastswith perfino in deriving its scalar alternatives from rhetorical structure rather thanfocus structure. Once this is recognized we can view addirittura as additive, afterall, in a rhetorical sense we describe below.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74671429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Morwenna Hoeks, Deniz Özyıldız, Jonathan Pesetsky, T. Roberts
{"title":"Event plurality & quantifier scope across clause boundaries","authors":"Morwenna Hoeks, Deniz Özyıldız, Jonathan Pesetsky, T. Roberts","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5393","url":null,"abstract":"Legend has it that quantifiers cannot scope out of finite clauses. But whileislands for quantifier raising might exist, finite clauses are not that: We identifya novel environment which productively facilitates scoping universal quantifiersout of embedded clauses, involving the manipulation of event structure. With thehelp of the perfect on an embedding verb and certain adverbials that presuppose abuildup towards a result state (by noon, eventually, at long last), embedded universalquantifiers can more readily take extrawide scope. We describe, account for, anddiscuss restrictions to this effect, and conclude that scoping quantifiers out of finiteclauses is not banned by syntactic constraints, although context or processing mightfavor narrow scope readings.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"64 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85898227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The mountains are impure: the semantics of lexical plurality","authors":"Sophia Nauta, H. de Vries, J. Doetjes","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5348","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is concerned with the semantics of so-called plurals of extension, a class of lexical plurals such as mountains, cliffs, skies, Hebrides, and Pyrenees. While similar on the surface to regular plural nouns, they behave differently in certain regards, including their compatibility with determiners, interpretation in half of the N partitives and possibility to occur as weak definites. We will argue that plurals of extension denote predicates over impure atoms, predicting that theybehave as singulars from a semantic point of view and as plurals from a morphological point of view. The analysis will be extended to temporal plurals of extension and plural mass nouns.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80397161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cyclic tense: Discontinuous temporal reference in Djambarrpuyŋu","authors":"Joshua L. Phillips","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5408","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a formal proposal for the semantics of Djambarrpuyŋu tense and temporal reference in Djambarrpuyŋu, a Yolŋu (Pama-Nyungan) variety spoken in northern Australia. On the basis of novel data, elicited in the field, it comprises the first formal treatment of “cyclic tense” phenomena, where formal devices encoding temporal remoteness are ostensibly “recycled” and posits a hypothesis about the diachronic development of cyclic tense systems.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85677648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Measurements from \"per\" without complex dimensions","authors":"Alan C. Bale, Bernhard Schwarz","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5404","url":null,"abstract":"To what extent is the compositional structure of quantity terms in natural language aligned with the structure of the quantity calculus commonly used in scientific practice, a calculus that critically relies on mathematical operations like division and the computation of quotients? In pioneering work, Coppock (2021) addresses this general question through a case study on the English preposition \"per\", as in \"0.9 grams per milliliter\". Coppock proposes that \"per\" expresses the operation of quantity division, an operation that forms quantities like 0.9g/mL by using ratios of measurements from different dimensions. Here we show that this “division theory” of \"per\" makes the wrong prediction with respect to statements about measures of density and concentration. We argue that these types of expressions call for an “anaphoric theory” ofper. On this analysis, anaphora allows for the composition to invoke multiple measurements in basic dimensions, creating the appearance of reference to complex quantities like 0.9g/mL, even though no such quantities are actually composed nor denoted in the formal semantics.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89386022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The selectional variability of 'imagine whether'","authors":"Kristina Liefke","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5347","url":null,"abstract":"White (2021) has observed that some clause-embedding predicates (esp. doxastic attitude verbs like believe, non-veridical preferential predicates like hope) vary w.r.t. their selection properties: While these predicates commonly combine with declarative complements, they sometimes accept interrogative complements. My paper notes a similar selectional variability for fiction verbs like imagine: while imagine is typically taken to reject polar interrogative complements, some uses of imagine whether are acceptable. Curiously, this acceptability cannot be explained through the techniques (e.g., highlighting, no presupposition, multiple senses) that have recently been used to explain the acceptability of believe and hope whether. To still account for the ability of imagine to take whether-complements, I draw on recent work on attitudinal parasitism (see Blumberg 2019). This work assumes that some cases of imagination depend, for their reference, on the objects of another experience (e.g. visual perception). My semantics holds that imagine whether is felicitous only when the truth of the embedded TP is decided at the possible world of which the experienced scene is a spatio-temporal part. This condition is more easily satisfied when the verb in the TP has future tense (will), or when imagine is embedded under a negated ability modal or under try.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90686424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A novel argument for an even-like semantics of Mandarin dou","authors":"Zhuang Chen, Y. Greenberg","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5343","url":null,"abstract":"There have been ongoing debates about the semantics of Mandarin particle dou, which, among its various readings, has a distributive reading and a scalar reading. In the paper, we make a novel observation that dou, on both readings, is sensitive to a standard on a scale associated with a contextually supplied gradable property, and take this to be new evidence in favor of a unified, scalar analysis of dou. To uniformly capture its two readings and its standard-sensitivity, we propose to integrate insights from two proposals, Liu 2017 and Greenberg 2018a. Specifically, on the one hand, we follow Liu 2017 in arguing that (a) dou is uniformly a scalar particle, (b) it operates on distinct types of alternatives on distinct readings and (c) a trivialization operation occurs on the distributive reading; on the other hand, we, deviating from Liu, adopt two components adapted from the gradability-based semantics originally suggested for Englishevenin Greenberg 2018a, i.e. (a) anevaluative presupposition and (b) a contextually determined scale, instead of one based on unlikelihood. Our revised proposal can successfully account for the two readings in a unified manner but circumvents the issue regarding the dimension of the scale faced by Liu 2017 in the meanwhile.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86936248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：
京公网安备 11010802042870号
