{"title":"Neg-raising as a scaleless implicature","authors":"Paloma Jeretic","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5367","url":null,"abstract":"I give a new account of neg-raising with belief predicates as scaleless implicatures, inferences that are predicted by grammatical theories of scalar implicatures, when a quantifier projects subdomain alternatives but no scalar alternative. I argue that the neg-raising inference should be treated as an implicature because of parallels observed in its distribution and that of other known cases of implicatures (namely typical scalar implicatures, free choice effects, and other reported cases of scaleless implicatures). Furthermore, the scaleless implicature account of neg-raising is preferred over the previously proposed analysis by Romoli (2013) of neg-raising as a scalar implicature, because Romoli has to make the ad hoc assumption that 'think' has an excluded middle alternative, while in this new account, the lack of a scalar alternative is predicted by its absence in the lexicon of English, and the presence of subdomain alternatives for quantifiers has been assumed in a variety of other work.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"155 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89580924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Universal force from exhaustification: Farsi hame -i DPs","authors":"Esmail Moghiseh, Luis Alonso-Ovalle","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5401","url":null,"abstract":"Polarity items have been analyzed as existential DPs that introduce into the semantic derivation two types of alternatives: domain alternatives (corresponding to possible restrictions of the domain of quantification) and scalar alternatives (corresponding to stronger quantificational forces.) This approach has led to the development of a typology of polarity items that is based on the types of alternatives that these items introduce (Chierchia 2013). What are the possible dimensions of variation? Bar-Lev & Margulis (2014) argue that the Hebrew determiner kol introduces domain, but not scalar alternatives. This paper shows that a class of Farsi DPs, which we call ‘hame -i DPs’, do too.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90754252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Against a generalized quantifier analysis of certain quantity expressions in Ch’ol","authors":"Carol-Rose Little","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5402","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a quantity word alternation in Ch’ol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. Drawing on fieldwork and additional texts, I show that numerals, pejtyel ‘all,’ and oñ ‘many/much’ may appear with additional possessive morphology. I present evidence against a generalized quantifier analysis of these expressions and provide an analysis where the possessed quantity expressions are adjuncts co-indexed with a null pronoun. I also consider the alternation between oñ ‘many/much’ and its possessed form, meaning ‘most’. While the morphosyntactic distribution is similar, there are certain semantic reasons to not treat the ‘many’/‘most’ alternation in the same way as ‘all’ and the numerals. I suggest that the form corresponding to ‘most’ has arisen via analogy with the other forms. I conclude with some observations on other quantity words in the language and cross-linguistic implications in the study of quantificational phrases.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80288244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Non-maximality and vagueness: Revisiting the plural Sorites paradox","authors":"Nina Haslinger","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5344","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is an attempt at a synthesis of two superficially conflicting approaches to non-maximality: the issue-based approach (Malamud 2012, Križ 2015, Križ & Spector 2021 a.o.), which generates clear-cut truth conditions once the issue parameter has been fixed, and the strict/tolerant approach (Burnett 2017 a.o.), on which non-maximal construals involve vagueness. I argue that there are two classes of contexts that license non-maximality. One of them gives rise to the Sorites paradox once the non-embeddability of non-maximality is controlled for. The other class does not license vagueness at all. To model this distinction, I introduce a formal framework that combines the issue-based approach with the notion of strict and tolerant truth conditions (Cobreros, Egré, Ripley & van Rooij 2012a), which are defined via super-/subvaluation over different issues. This system provides two sources of non-maximality, only one of which involves vagueness.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87717147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Coordination, coherence and A’ingae clause linkage","authors":"S. Anderbois, D. Altshuler","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5331","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines a particular type of clause linkage (‘bridging’) in A’ingae, an en-dangered isolate spoken in Amazonian Ecuador and Colombia.We propose a formalcharacterization of its meaning (to our knowledge the first formal account for any language)that relies crucially on two SDRT coherence relations: NARRATION and BACKGROUND.We motivate this characterization with textual data and elicited data from context-relativefelicity judgments, and propose to derive it from independently observable facts aboutprosody, coordination, and anaphora in the language","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83149485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The presupposition of even","authors":"Linmin Zhang","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5355","url":null,"abstract":"I present a new observation with regard to the felicity of using even: There is no apparent focus/QUD congruence for even-sentences. For example, Even Mary came cannot be used to answer a question like who came or who was unlikely to come. Instead, the felicitous use of Even Mary came is to address issues like how successful the exhibition was, how enthusiastic people were, how urgent the matter was, etc. Thus I propose that the use of even is QUD-sensitive, always with regard to a contextually salient degree question. Even brings a degree-based presupposition of additivity, not an entity-based one (see also Greenberg 2018 for a similar view). An even-sentence presupposes that its prejacent is associated with a degree value, a benchmark value higher than the usual contextual threshold, resolving a degree question with an increasingly positive answer. E.g., under a relevant scenario about how popular a certain talk was, Even Mary came is roughly interpreted as (the talk was so popular) that Mary came. Under the current analysis, the entity-based additivity and likelihood-based scalarity of even, which are considered presuppositions under the traditional view, are now considered implicatures. ","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88712343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Weak necessity modals as homogeneous pluralities of worlds","authors":"Omar Agha, Paloma Jeretic","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5352","url":null,"abstract":"We claim that weak necessity modals like English \"should\" are referential expressions that denote pluralities of worlds, against the standard analysis, according to which all modal auxiliaries are quantifiers. Weak necessity modals pattern like plural definites when tested for homogeneity effects (Löbner 2000, Križ 2016): they have scopeless readings under negation, they tolerate exceptions in certain discourse contexts, and they exhibit other properties characteristic of homogeneous definite plurals. We also discuss how to extend this analysis to French and Javanese, in which weak necessity modals are built compositionally from strong necessity modals by adding subjunctive morphology.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91350695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Serge Minor, N. Mitrofanova, Gustavo Guajardo, Myrte Vos, G. Ramchand
{"title":"Temporal Information and Event Bounding Across Languages: Evidence from Visual World EyeTracking from","authors":"Serge Minor, N. Mitrofanova, Gustavo Guajardo, Myrte Vos, G. Ramchand","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5340","url":null,"abstract":"We explore the typological question of what the interpretation of grammatical perfectivity is, and how it connects to the related aktionsartal notion of boundedness/telicity on the one hand, and the tense category Past on the other. We report on a comparative experimental paradigm of past tense accomplishment sentences in Russian, Spanish and English respectively, in which we use an online visual world paradigm -- comparing looks to an ongoing representation (OE) with a result state representation (CE) -- to track the triggering of entailments of culmination during auditory processing. In all three languages, the results revealed at-ceiling preference for OE in the imperfective condition both in the offline task and the online gaze patterns. In the perfective condition, we found robust differences. In Russian, the choice of the result state (CE) picture in the offline task was at ceiling (95 %); for Spanish it was high, but not quite at ceiling (83 %); in English there was no statistical preference for the CE picture in the Simple Past condition (54 %, not significantly different from chance, p=0.39). Analysis of the participants' online gaze patterns yielded parallel results. Our results for English suggest that even on telic predicates, the simple past form does not obligatorily enforce a completed-event interpretation, contrary to previous assumptions in the literature (Smith 1995).","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73709810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Classifiers and the mass-count distinction in Uzbek","authors":"Zarina Levy-Forsythe, O. Kagan","doi":"10.3765/salt.v1i0.5360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5360","url":null,"abstract":"The paper argues for the existence of the (NP-level) mass-count distinction in Tashkent Uzbek, an obligatory classifier dialect. Evidence is provided based on the distribution and interpretation of modifiers, classifiers and quantificational suffixes of different types, as well as properties of flexible and object mass nouns. A formal analysis is further provided that treats classifiers as sensitive to the mass-count distinction but not uniformly serving as “individuators” of otherwise mass nouns. Sortal classifiers are argued to differ from mensural ones in that only the latter contribute a measure function.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74065474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Modally conditioned mood-switch: The Case of ADVISE-Predicates in Greek","authors":"Despina Oikonomou","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5078","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a case of mood-switch with predicates expressing advice, exhortation, request (hence, ADVISE-Ps). While all studies categorize these predicates as combining with subjunctive, I show that they can combine with indicative if they embed a prioritizing modal operator. This type of switch provides further evidence for the mood-as-modal approach, under which indicative expresses simple necessity whereas subjunctive encodes human necessity as recently argued by Portner & Rubinstein (2020). Building on a meaningful approach to mood, I argue that this special type of modally conditioned mood-switch is associated with the bieventive character of ADVISE-Ps, which can be decomposed into a cause speech event and a prioritizing (PRT-)state (Martin & Schäfer 2013; Grano 2018). In this way, they can combine either with subjunctive licensed by the embedding PRT-state or with indicative and a prioritizing modal operator licensed by the communication cause event and the PRT-state accordingly.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81323075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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