{"title":"Lexically triggered uniquenes in wh-questions: An argument from Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Vincent Rouillard, F. Kobayashi","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5125","url":null,"abstract":"Recent discussion on the source of uniqueness in English singular which-question has debated whether this is due to a general requirement that questions have a maximally informative true answer (Dayal 1996), or whether uniqueness islexically triggered by which (Hirsch & Schwarz 2020). We present novel data from Brazilian Portuguese which argue that at least some wh-interrogatives are lexical triggers for uniqueness.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"218 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78421679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Modal vs. deictic evidentials in ʔayʔaǰuθəm (Comox-Sliammon)","authors":"M. Huijsmans, D. Reisinger","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5092","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we present novel data from ʔayʔaǰuθəm (a.k.a. Comox-Sliammon; an understudied Salish language) that challenge both the claim that all evidentials are epistemic modals (Matthewson 2012) and the claim that evidentials and modals are distinct, non-overlapping categories (e.g. Aikhenvald 2004, Speas 2010}. We take the defining difference between modal and nonmodal evidentials to be that modal evidentials contribute an at-issue claim involving quantification over possible worlds/situations, whereas nonmodal evidentials do not; both types of evidentials contribute information about the speaker's source of evidence for the proposition. We argue that ʔayʔaǰuθəm has two types of evidentials: one set are epistemic modals, while the other set are nonmodal deictic particles. Though we argue against the claims that evidentials are uniformly modal or nonmodal, we propose that both types of evidentials encode relations between situations (following Speas 2010).","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74063749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Disjunctive discourse referents in French Sign Language","authors":"J. Kuhn","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5116","url":null,"abstract":"Disjoined noun phrases, like indefinites, may introduce indeterminate discourse referents. Disjunction provides more flexibility in some respects than indefinites, though, as the two disjuncts may bear different morphological features, and a disjunctive discourse referent may have a split antecedent. Sign language, too, has been shown to bear on arguments pertaining to discourse anaphora. Notably, discourse referents may be established at locations in the signing space (loci), closely paralleling the use of variables in dynamic semantics. Here, we compare several theories of disjunctive anaphora and of space in sign language with new data from French Sign Language (LSF). We argue that loci must be mediated by a featural layer that iconically preserves mereological properties.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74297411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A post-suppositional account of associative plurals in Burmese","authors":"Keely New","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5127","url":null,"abstract":"I investigate the interpretation of the associative plural tó/dó in Colloquial Burmese based on original fieldwork. I report that in a conjunction of associative plurals, there is an available reading where the named individuals in the conjunction internally satisfy the plural requirement. I call this the internal plural reading, a reading which has not been previously observed in the literature. I propose that the named individuals in a conjunction of associative plurals can satisfy each other's plural requirement if the Burmese associative plural has a meaning that ixs post-suppositional. The proposal is inspired by Brasoveanu & Szabolcsi 2013's treatment of conjunctions of additive phrases in some languages, but our proposals crucially differ in that associative plurals contribute assertive meaning rather than not-at-issue meaning.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87337469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"(Non-)factive (non-)islands and meaning-based approaches","authors":"Kajsa Djärv, Maribel Romero","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5134","url":null,"abstract":"A key question in the literature on factive Weak Islands has been whether the effect is syntactic or semantic. Since Szabolcsi & Zwarts (1993), a key argument for the semantic nature of Weak Islands is the observation that the effect requires not just factivity, but also that the property described by the embedded clause is non-iterable with respect to the extracted argument (uniqueness). We present twocaveats concerning the notion of factivity needed in meaning-based approaches. First, we present novel data on factive non-islands showing that certain lexically factive verbs do not (always) lead to islandhood when combined with uniqueness. Second, recalling data from Cattell (1978), we argue that certain non-factive islands can be captured by the same meaning-based explanation. The emerging picture is that lexical factivity of the embedding verb is neither necessary nor sufficient to induce weak islands in combination with uniqueness; rather, what matters is whether or not there is a contextual entailment, pragmatic or lexical, that the complement proposition is true.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74882044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Binding without variables: Solving the under-generation problems","authors":"Yimei Xiang","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5118","url":null,"abstract":"The variable-free semantics of Jacobson (1999, 2000, 2014) derives binding relations by the local application of the z-rule. This rule, however, under- generates binding. This paper makes two contributions: (i) replacing the z-rule with a more flexible rule called i (a la the W-combinator of Szabolcsi 1992), which allows for more binding relations; (ii) enriching Jacobson’s variable-free system and proposing a two-dimensional analysis to account for the interactions between scoping and binding. Issues to be covered include binding into adjuncts, possessor binding, scope ambiguity, inverse linking, weak crossover, and ‘paycheck pronouns’. ","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88554810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reciprocity without reciprocal pronouns","authors":"Takanobu Nakamura","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5093","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I claim that reciprocity consists of three independentsemantic components, namely (i) the distributivity component, (ii) the anaphoricitycomponent and (iii) the disjointness component. I show that a distributor sorezorein Japanese induces a reciprocal reading when the configuration between sorezoreand its antecedent violates Condition B. Adopting the plural dynamic semanticframework (van den Berg 1996; Nouwen 2007; Brasoveanu 2007: among others), Ipropose that the co-reference condition of sorezore is collectively evaluated, but itsscope domain is distributively evaluated. As a result, sorezore and its antecedentare co-referential at the level of plural individuals, but disjoint at the level ofatomic individuals, deriving a reciprocal reading. This suggests that the disjointnesscondition is not hard-wired in the semantics of sorezore. I further discuss otherreciprocal strategies in Japanese and in other languages and suggest that distributivityand anaphoricity are not always encoded to a single entry, either.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88703823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Zero, Null Individuals, and Nominal Semantics in Cantonese","authors":"Marcin Morzycki, Hary Chow","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5123","url":null,"abstract":"It has been convincingly argued that English zero provides evidence for introducing null individuals into the ontology of natural language (Bylinina & Nouwen 2018). We examine ‘zero’ in Cantonese, where it provides evidence that such null individuals are a matter of crosslinguistic variation. Cantonese zero has a more restricted distribution. It occurs widely in a number of contexts, but it is systematically ruled out with ordinary classifiers. These facts, coupled with assumptions about the nature of measurement and nominal semantics, demonstrate despite its extensive use in the language, zero is impossible in precisely the uses that require null individuals. Cantonese seems to be telling us that such null individuals are simply absent from its ontology, implying an interesting difference in natural language metaphysics between the languages—and perhaps a different perspective on what theoretical shape crosslinguistic variation can take.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88045656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Contextual restrictions on cumulativity","authors":"Nina Haslinger","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5090","url":null,"abstract":"This paper revisits the semantic variability of sentences with simple plural (in)definites in English and German, which permit distributive, cumulative and paired-cover construals. I argue that this variability reflects context-dependency rather than LF ambiguity (Schwarzschild 1996) and that the selection of a particular construal in context is driven by the QUD in the same way as the choice between maximal and non-maximal construals of plural definites (Malamud 2012; Križ 2015; Križ & Spector 2020). I then develop a new semantics for plural predication on which non-distributive and non-maximal construals form a natural class. The system extends the idea that non-maximality involves truth-value gaps (e.g. Križ 2015) to non-distributive construals by making use of Schmitt’s (2019) ‘plural projection’ framework, in which plural sentences involve special composition rules.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"179 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74727765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Restricting the fourth reading","authors":"Ido Benbaji","doi":"10.3765/salt.v31i0.5081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v31i0.5081","url":null,"abstract":"Szabó (2010, 2011) argues that DPs in intensional contexts have specific-opaque readings, in which their determiner scopes above some intensional operator while their restrictor is nevertheless interpreted in the scope of the operator. This poses a potential problem to prominent theories of intensionality (e.g. Percus 2000, Keshet 2008) in which wide quantificational scope (specificity) implies transparency. We attempt to restrict the scope of the problem by demonstrating that an important sub-class of Szabó's examples is syntactically restricted to relativization environments, and can be generated by invoking independently motivated mechanisms for NP reconstruction into relative clauses without calling into question commonly made assumptions about intensional constructions.","PeriodicalId":21626,"journal":{"name":"Semantics and Linguistic Theory","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88797302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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