跨语言的时间信息和事件边界:来自视觉世界的证据

Serge Minor, N. Mitrofanova, Gustavo Guajardo, Myrte Vos, G. Ramchand
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引用次数: 3

摘要

我们探讨了语法完美性的类型学问题,以及它如何与相关的限界性/目的性的动作概念和过去时态范畴联系起来。我们分别报道了俄语、西班牙语和英语的过去时态完成句的比较实验范式,其中我们使用在线视觉世界范式-将外观与正在进行的表征(OE)和结果状态表征(CE)进行比较-来跟踪听觉加工过程中高潮蕴意的触发。在所有三种语言中,结果都显示在离线任务和在线注视模式中,不完全条件下对OE的上限偏好。在完美条件下,我们发现了显著的差异。在俄语中,离线任务中对结果状态(CE)图片的选择是最高的(95%);西班牙语的比例很高,但还没有达到上限(83%);在英语中,一般过去时条件下的CE图片没有统计学上的偏好(54%,与chance没有显著差异,p=0.39)。对参与者在线注视模式的分析也得出了类似的结果。我们对英语的研究结果表明,即使在远程谓词上,一般过去式也不会强制执行完成事件解释,这与文献中的先前假设相反(Smith 1995)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Temporal Information and Event Bounding Across Languages: Evidence from Visual World EyeTracking from
We explore the  typological question of what the  interpretation of grammatical perfectivity is,  and how it connects to the related aktionsartal notion of  boundedness/telicity on the one hand, and the tense category  Past on the other.  We report on a comparative experimental paradigm of past tense accomplishment sentences in Russian, Spanish and English respectively, in which we use an online visual world paradigm  -- comparing looks to an ongoing representation (OE) with a result state representation (CE) -- to track the triggering of entailments of culmination during auditory processing.  In all three languages, the  results revealed at-ceiling preference for OE in the imperfective condition both in the offline task  and the online gaze patterns. In the perfective condition, we found robust differences. In Russian, the choice of the result state (CE) picture in the offline task was at ceiling (95 %); for Spanish it was high, but not quite at ceiling (83 %); in English there was no statistical preference for the CE picture in the Simple Past condition (54 %, not significantly different from chance, p=0.39). Analysis of the participants' online gaze patterns yielded parallel results.   Our results for  English suggest that even on telic predicates, the simple past form does not obligatorily enforce a completed-event interpretation, contrary to previous assumptions in the literature (Smith 1995).
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