Cambridge Classical Journal最新文献_第10页

Morals and Politics in the ‘Oresteia’ 《奥瑞斯忒亚》中的道德与政治

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S006867350000287X

E. Dodds

引用次数: 69

On Emending Livy's Fourth Decade 论修改李维的第四个十年

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S006867350000290X

A. Mcdonald

引用次数: 1

Trajan's Forum: a Plea 图拉真论坛:一个请求

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002923

H. Plommer

引用次数: 1

Conjectures in Sophocles' ‘Philoctetes’ 索福克勒斯《菲罗克忒忒》中的猜想

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002911

D. L. Page

引用次数: 1

Suetonius ‘ab epistulis’ 2 苏埃托尼乌斯'通过字母'2

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1957-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500012185

J. Crook

引用次数: 3

The moral and Political doctrines of Antiphon the Sophist. A reconsideration 诡辩家安提芬的道德和政治学说。重新考虑

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1957-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500012203

G. Kerferd

引用次数: 4

ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΑ: Notes on the Macedonians of Philip and Alexander 1 ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΑ:腓力和亚历山大时期的马其顿人笔记

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1957-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S175027050001215X

G. T. Griffith

{"title":"ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΑ: Notes on the Macedonians of Philip and Alexander 1","authors":"G. T. Griffith","doi":"10.1017/S175027050001215X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S175027050001215X","url":null,"abstract":"It seems uncertain whether the Macedonian infantrymen of Philip II had breast-plates or not. How much it matters, too, is also perhaps uncertain, though obviously it mattered not a little to the men themselves at the time, whether or not they carried on them that combination of strength and of weight, of moral comfort and physical encumbrance, that a breastplate meant to the man inside it. There may perhaps be something in this question, too, for the social historian as well as for the military specialist. That Greek hoplites of the archaic period normally wore breastplates appears from vase-paintings, especially those proto-Corinthian examples which show combats not of individuals but of opposing phalanxes: it appears, too, from Tyrtaeus. Xenophon in the Anabasis , when he makes a passing remark about casualties on one occasion, gives the same impression about the Ten Thousand, who were predominantly a hoplite force. But breastplates were not uniform. Metal ones could vary greatly in weight, and there were variants (πĩλοι, σπολάδeς) that were probably quite light in metal, on linen or leather. It has been suggested with some likelihood that in the fifth century the solid metal type virtually went out of use. If this were so, then the peltasts of the early fourth century would represent a logical development from a hoplite who had already become lighter than of old. It would seem logical for the pekast to have no breastplate at all, an arrangement incidentally that might suit well the mercenaries of the day who often were peltasts, and who were often poor men unlikely to own expensive equipment. But in spite of their occasional spectacular successes even against hoplites, the peltasts did not supersede them, so far as can be seen, in the citizen armies of the Greek cities. Indeed in the Hellenistic period still, in a treaty of about 270 B.C. between the Aetolians and the Acarnanians, the clause providing for reciprocal military aid distinguishes between three classes of infantry: (1) those who wore breastplates (πανοπλίαν), (2) those wore τὸ ἡμιθωράκιον, and (3) those who had no defensive armour (ψιλῲ). The first class is presumably, still, the hoplite.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"82 1","pages":"3-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1957-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S175027050001215X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The interpretation of Hesiod, ‘Theogony’ 736ff 赫西奥德的解释，神学，736页

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1957-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500012161

G. Kirk

{"title":"The interpretation of Hesiod, ‘Theogony’ 736ff","authors":"G. Kirk","doi":"10.1017/S1750270500012161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1750270500012161","url":null,"abstract":"Gregory Vlastos, in his interesting review of Cornford's Principium Sapientiae , in Gnomon , XXVII (1955), pp. 65ff., gives a particularly bald statement (p. 74 and n. 2) of a theory advanced in an article by Friedrich Solmsen, ‘Chaos and Apeiron’, Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica , n.s. XXIV (1950), pp. 235ff., and by Hermann Frankel in his Dichtung und Philosophie des fruhen Griechentums (New York, 1951), pp. 148–9. The theory is that Theogony 736–45 has a profound cosmogonical significance, and that it was probably from there that Anaximander derived and developed his idea of an originative ἄπeιρον. Now the Hesiodic passage is one of a group of variant descriptions of Tartaros that extend, as an appendix to the Titanomachy, from 726 to 819. Many of these descriptions are mutually inconsistent, and, although I would not go quite so far as Jacoby ( Hesiodi Carmina: pars I, Theogonia (Berlin, 1930), pp. 22 ff.) in asserting that they are certainly all later additions, most of them by different authors, it seems manifest that they cannot all be by the author of the Theogony as a whole—even accepting that this poem is to some extent a synthesis, not always elegant or consistent, of previous accounts. At all events no other part of the poem, including the cosmogony and theogony of 116 ff., manifests the piecemeal, repetitive and contradictory qualities of this series of descriptions of Tartaros. For example, 726–45 describes the underworld, and it is there that the halls of Night are located; but at 746 ff. there is a sudden transition to the far west, the region where Atlas stands and where Night exchanges with Day. Solmsen ( op. cit. p. 243, n. 2) tries to defend this unaccountable and irrelevant switch by showing that Night, earlier in the poem, is associated with the western parts of the earth, but is also a product of Chaos in the cosmogony of 116 ff. Yet this consideration, although it provides a sufficient motive for an irrelevant rhapsodic elaboration of the kind that Jacoby posited, really does nothing to support unity of authorship for the two adjacent passages. I agree with Jacoby, then, that what we are presented with in this part of the Theogony is a farrago of rhapsodic variants, juxtaposed inconsistently (for the most part) by the most mechanical principles, on the central theme of Tartaros.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"4 1","pages":"10-12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1957-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1750270500012161","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57010418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

The ‘Electra’ of Sophocles: prolegomena to an interpretation 1 索福克勒斯的“伊莱克特拉”:一种解释的前兆

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1955-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002807

R. P. Winnington-Ingram

引用次数: 3

Emendations of Cicero, ‘Ad Atticum’ 西塞罗的修订版《阁楼》

IF 0.2 3区历史学

Cambridge Classical Journal Pub Date : 1955-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002819

D. R. S. Bailey

{"title":"Emendations of Cicero, ‘Ad Atticum’","authors":"D. R. S. Bailey","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500002819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500002819","url":null,"abstract":"I, 16, 12. sed senatus consulta duo iam facta sunt, odiosa , quod in consulem facta putantur, Catone et Domitio postulante, unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cuius domi diuisores habitarent, aduersus rem publicam. odiosa to whom? To the magistrates and the consul's satellites and Pompey? That is Billerbeck's explanation, more respectable than the silence of modern commentators. But odiosa , without qualification, can only mean generally unpopular, i.e. in the senate, among the boni . But how, asked Malaspina four centuries ago, should those decrees have been unpopular because they were directed against a highly unpopular consul? ‘consul odiosissimus’ to Cicero and his boni M. Pupius Piso, Pompey's legate and tool, assuredly was. Witness among other passages I, 13, 2 (esp. seiunctus ab optimatibus ) and I, 14, 6 (esp. mirum in modum omnis a se bonos alienauit ). And Malaspina might further have enquired why stringent, intrusive measures against bribery should have been welcome per se in an assembly composed largely of persons who had bribed, were bribing, or expected to bribe their way to office. Modern apparatus do not even mention quae for quod , a once popular reading cited from a MS. belonging to Faernus. It seems no more than a palliative. For a cure I suggest ‹ ideo minus › odiosa .","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"3 1","pages":"13-18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1955-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500002819","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57324393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0