Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy最新文献

{"title":"The Immigration-Related Political Ideology Scale: Development, factor structure, and validity evidence","authors":"Seth J. Schwartz,&nbsp;Maria Duque,&nbsp;Sumeyra Sahbaz,&nbsp;Carolina Scaramutti Gladfelter,&nbsp;Mia Cisco,&nbsp;Lea Nehme-Kotocavage,&nbsp;Duyen H. Vo,&nbsp;Aigerim Alpysbekova,&nbsp;Pablo Montero-Zamora,&nbsp;Beyhan Ertanir,&nbsp;David De Coninck,&nbsp;Natalia Bogado,&nbsp;Deborah J. Schildkraut","doi":"10.1111/asap.12429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12429","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The aim of the present study was to develop and validate the Immigration-Related Political Ideology Scale (IRPIS), designed to measure diverse political perspectives on immigration among US voters. The IRPIS was developed following a series of focus groups and refined through a systematic item-generation process involving expert panels. The scale was validated using a two-step factor analysis with a nationally representative sample of 1292 US voters, divided into exploratory (<i>n</i> = 632) and confirmatory (<i>n</i> = 660) sub-samples. The exploratory factor analysis identified seven distinct factors: conservative views, welcoming attitudes, world regions, flexibility, assimilationist expectations, multicultural expectations, and undocumented immigrant rights. Confirmatory factor analysis provided an acceptable fit (CFI = .901; RMSEA = .050), and the scale demonstrated high internal consistency (Cronbach's alphas ranging from .89 to .97). Inter-factor correlations varied, with strong links observed among welcoming attitudes, flexibility, and multicultural expectations (<i>r</i>’s &gt; .80), confirming a polarization between liberal and conservative stances on immigration. These findings suggest that the IRPIS is the first scale specifically designed to assess immigration-related political orientations in a polarized US context. This tool has important implications for political strategy and policymaking, especially in the context of rising immigration rates and political polarization.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Public Significance Statement</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>The present study validates the Immigration-Related Political Ideology Scale (IRPIS) using a nationally representative sample of 1292 US voters. Immigration remains a highly polarizing issue, with deeply entrenched ideological differences influencing policy preferences and public discourse. Exploratory factor analysis identified seven distinct factors and confirmed a clear polarization between liberal and conservative views on immigration. The IRPIS represents a critical tool for research, political strategy, and policymaking.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143113533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Material hardship and use of social safety net programs among LGBT adults and their families","authors":"Emmett R. Henderson,&nbsp;Maiya Hotchkiss,&nbsp;Clarisse A. Lin,&nbsp;John R. Blosnich","doi":"10.1111/asap.12432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12432","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people experience higher levels of economic insecurity and poverty compared to non-LGBT people. Social safety net programs may reduce this disparity, but the uptake of these programs among LGBT adults has rarely been assessed. We conducted a secondary data analysis of the 2018–2020 Well-Being and Basic Needs Survey to compare differences in material hardship and social safety net program utilization between LGBT and non-LGBT adults in the United States. LGBT participants were more likely to report lack of an emergency fund, food insecurity, utilities hardship, medical hardship, and multiple material hardships. LGBT adults had higher odds compared to non-LGBT adults of using SNAP, income- or disability-based insurance, SSI or SSDI, and housing assistance. There were no differences in use of WIC, reduced-price/free school lunch benefits, or charitable food. Future studies are needed to evaluate the efficacy of the social safety net programs for reducing material hardship.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12432","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143113304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Social class group identity, intergroup attitudes, and views on social mobility and inequality in the U.K. and the U.S.","authors":"Laura Elenbaas,&nbsp;Luke McGuire,&nbsp;Amanda Ackerman,&nbsp;Ellen Kneeskern,&nbsp;Lauren Kinnard,&nbsp;Aqsa Farooq,&nbsp;Fidelia Law,&nbsp;Damilola Makanju,&nbsp;Kaili Ebert,&nbsp;Rashmita S. Mistry","doi":"10.1111/asap.12431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12431","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Drawing on social identity theory (SIT), this study explored social class group identity, intergroup attitudes, and views about social mobility and inequality among socioeconomically and racially/ethnically diverse adults in the U.K. (<i>n</i> = 457) and the U.S. (<i>n</i> = 595). U.K. participants evidenced greater consensus about the social class groups present in their society than did U.S. participants, but lower, working, middle, and upper class were commonly perceived in both contexts, and many participants self-identified as working class (38% U.K., 17% U.S.) or middle class (45% U.K., 47% U.S.) Consistent with SIT, participants in both contexts identified <i>with</i> their social class ingroup (e.g., felt they belonged) and stereotyped it less harshly on dimensions (warmth or competence) on which it was generally negatively stereotyped. Importantly, middle and upper class participants tended to feel more positively (e.g., proud) about their ingroup, and believed society was more fair and equal, and upward mobility more likely, than did lower and working class participants.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143111952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Conceptualization and measurement of Islamophobia: A systematic review","authors":"Ummul-Kiram Kathawalla,&nbsp;Quratulain Gulamhussein,&nbsp;Fei Bi Chan,&nbsp;Amy Riegelman,&nbsp;Moin Syed","doi":"10.1111/asap.12426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12426","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The term Islamophobia is used in research studies; however, it is evident many researchers do not similarly use the term and, subsequently, measure the construct. We evaluate measures based upon their alignment with one first definition of Islamophobia that includes: (1) a perceived fear or threat of Islam/Muslims and (2) an engagement in prejudicial attitudes and/or discriminatory actions. We conducted a systematic literature search of 15 databases to identify Islamophobia-related measures used in the literature from 1992 to 2018 (updated 2022). The measures were reviewed to examine alignment with the definition of Islamophobia and their psychometric properties. We identified 12 validated measures of Islamophobia and provided an in-depth review of each measure. Additionally, we cataloged the 249 validated and nonvalidated measures of Islamophobia (<i>N</i> = 24), and the five remaining content areas—prejudicial attitudes (<i>N</i> = 80), discriminatory actions (<i>N</i> = 21), fear of Muslims (<i>N</i> = 23), anti-other group (<i>N</i> = 52), and experiences of discrimination for Muslims (<i>N</i> = 49) by validity, measure structure, and other criteria (Tables 1–12). This systematic review can assist researchers in identifying and selecting the most reliable and valid measure related to their definition of Islamophobia.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"832-924"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12426","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Attitudes on affirmative action targeted to help Black and Hispanic individuals: The roles of knowledge, race, and perceived discrimination","authors":"Marden J. Umanzor,&nbsp;David J. Reyna Guerrero,&nbsp;Randall E. Osborne,&nbsp;Ariel A. McField,&nbsp;Crystal D. Oberle","doi":"10.1111/asap.12428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12428","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study explored factors affecting affirmative action attitudes. Undergraduates at a Hispanic-Serving Institution completed measures assessing support for Black-targeted and Hispanic-targeted affirmative action, perceived discrimination against Blacks and Hispanics, and demographic information. Prior to completing these measures, some participants were randomly assigned to read 10 facts about current racial inequities. An ANOVA revealed a marginally significant effect of condition (with greater affirmative action support by participants who read facts about racial inequities vs. the control condition), a significant effect of participant race (with greater affirmative action support by Black and Hispanic vs. White participants), and a significant interaction between participant and target race (with greater support of Hispanic-targeted vs. Black-targeted affirmative action by White and Hispanic participants, but no difference in support for Hispanic-targeted vs. Black-targeted affirmative action by Black participants). Regression analyses revealed that affirmative action support was significantly associated with a Democrat affiliation, a Black or Hispanic race, and perceived discrimination against Blacks and Hispanics. These findings are consistent with social dominance theory (whereby group status threat may influence Hispanic affirmative action support) and the altruism-born-of-suffering theory (whereby adverse discriminatory experiences of Blacks may lead to greater empathy and support for affirmative action).</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"734-756"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12428","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142862028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A matter of trust? Analyzing the relationship between attitudes toward COVID-19 countermeasures and right-wing ideology in Germany","authors":"Lea-Johanna Klebba,&nbsp;Stephan Winter","doi":"10.1111/asap.12427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12427","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The COVID-19 pandemic has divided societies, especially regarding vaccine mandates. While research suggests that political ideology plays a crucial role in whether people support or oppose COVID-19 countermeasures, the relationship between these attitudes and political ideology remains unclear, with varying results across different countries. The present research focuses on right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) in Germany, examining its role as a predictor. Prior studies highlight that, conservatives and right-wing authoritarians, particularly in the USA, tend to hold more negative attitudes toward COVID-19 countermeasures despite RWA's usual association with unwavering support for state authorities. Therefore, the present survey study (<i>N</i> = 1063) investigated whether trust in politics and science moderates this relationship. Contrary to expectations, the findings revealed that RWA consistently predicted support for vaccine mandates independent of trust levels. Results are discussed about the specifics of the German case and more general relationships between political ideology and the support of state authorities.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"1155-1173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12427","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142861671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Influence falling income inequality for social stability: Case study of four European countries","authors":"Liqun Wan,&nbsp;Yajun Wu","doi":"10.1111/asap.12425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12425","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study aims to assess the relationship between income inequality and social solidarity as a measure of societal stability, using European countries as a case study. Data from 20 European countries were included in the research. The primary dependent variable was defined as social solidarity, serving as an indicator of societal stability. The analysis of social solidarity was conducted concerning various social groups, including overall solidarity and solidarity towards vulnerable societal categories. Responses to questions were evaluated using the Likert scale. Income inequality within each country, measured by the Gini coefficient, was designated as the explanatory variable. Control variables were incorporated, including GDP per capita and the percentage of social expenditure relative to a country's GDP. The conducted analysis demonstrates a negative correlation between income inequality and the manifestation of social solidarity. The analysis of individual characteristics reveals that specific groups exhibit greater social solidarity compared to others. The conclusion drawn is that both lower and higher household income levels lead to a decrease in the overall manifestation of social solidarity in the face of increasing income inequality. The study's findings contribute theoretically to the discourse on income inequality and its impact on societal stability.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"691-709"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142861571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Associations between negative sexual messaging in childhood and sex guilt in adulthood","authors":"T. Ariel Yang,&nbsp;Abby Dolan,&nbsp;Valeria Hernandez,&nbsp;Ava Kaufman,&nbsp;Mary Kruk,&nbsp;Katherine Robbins,&nbsp;Terri D. Conley","doi":"10.1111/asap.12423","DOIUrl":"10.1111/asap.12423","url":null,"abstract":"<p><i>Sex guilt</i> refers to a feeling of shame or anxiety induced by sexual behavior due to the inconsistency between a person's value and their sexuality. Sex guilt often stems from traditional, gender stereotypical sexual views and attitudes. In this study, we inquired what factors could be predicting sex guilt. Negative sexual messaging (NSM) refers to the promotion of abstinence and the glorification of virginity, representing a set of sex-negatives views. We evaluated the relationships between NSM in childhood and sex guilt in adulthood. We include childhood sexual abuse as an alternative predictor of sex guilt to anchor our results with NSM. Participants were recruited through undergraduate groups and online platforms (total <i>N</i> = 1322) and completed an online survey regarding about their sexual experience. We found that NSM was a strong, persistent predictor of sex guilt. Those who experienced more NSM reported higher sex guilt. Our findings could be particularly informative for educators and policy maker who creates sex education curricula. Further study is needed to clarify the mechanisms through which NSM are associated with sex guilt.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"997-1016"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12423","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142194401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Anti-egalitarianism motivates denial of male privilege","authors":"Darren E. J. Austin,&nbsp;Mathew D. Marques,&nbsp;Arthur A. Stukas","doi":"10.1111/asap.12424","DOIUrl":"10.1111/asap.12424","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Men are privileged economically, politically, and socially, yet some deny this. Previous research suggests that denial of privilege can help to manage the discomfort associated with a privileged identity, but we propose that it serves primarily to preserve privilege. In two preregistered studies (<i>N</i>_total = 911 Australian participants) we show that denial of male privilege is not unique to men and that it is strongly predicted by anti-egalitarianism, even when controlling for gender and other variables known to predict attitudes toward inequality (facets of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation). In Study 1, a multiple regression model accounted for 59% of the variability in reported male privilege awareness, with anti-egalitarianism contributing 47% of the explanatory power. In Study 2, the explanatory power of anti-egalitarianism was more modest (26%) and similar to that of gender (27%), and both also positively predicted claims of female privilege. This suggests that rather than simply reflecting unawareness of male privilege or being a way to manage a privileged identity, denying the existence of male privilege and claiming that women are privileged helps to preserve gender inequality by presenting it as a just result of meritocracy.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"1017-1031"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.12424","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142194241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Do I have to blame the perpetrator if I can't blame the victim anymore? Bystander responsibility in contact sexual violence scenarios","authors":"Adam J. Beam,&nbsp;Lauren N. Jordan,&nbsp;Katherine E. Purdom,&nbsp;C. Veronica Smith","doi":"10.1111/asap.12422","DOIUrl":"10.1111/asap.12422","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Sexual violence is far too common in the U.S. and across the world (Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014). Bystander interventions are one type of intervention that aim to reduce contact sexual violence incidence as well as other problematic features of sexual violence like victim blame. Despite bystander intervention popularity, research has yet to address what people think about bystanders themselves and if people blame them in sexual violence scenarios. Across three sets of studies (<i>N</i> = 887), participants read a simple vignette that explicitly stated a man had raped/sexually assaulted a woman and participants were then asked to allocate blame to the perpetrator, victim, and bystanders. In some studies, bystanders were not explicitly mentioned, and participants had to self-nominate others who they thought could be responsible. In other studies, possible bystanders were listed by the researchers. Our results replicated across all sets of studies and indicated that people rarely thought to allocate blame to bystanders when they were not explicitly mentioned. When bystanders were explicitly mentioned, participants gave some blame to the bystanders and consequently reduced blame to the perpetrator. Our results have important implications for both legal settings and sexual assault prevention.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"24 3","pages":"956-979"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142194402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}