{"title":"United as one? Outgroup discrimination matters but so does ingroup standing in shaping solidarity among Latinx and Asian Americans","authors":"Gil Moreu, Yuen J. Huo","doi":"10.1111/asap.70021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70021","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Past research suggests that experiences with discrimination motivate members of marginalized groups to work together to change their condition. In the current work, we test whether relations <i>within</i> a marginalized community also matter in motivating group members to work together to confront injustice enacted against their ingroup. Drawing from the experiences of Latinxs (S1/S2) and Asians (S2) in the United States, we examine how feedback from <i>outside of the ethnic ingroup</i> and relations <i>within</i> their ingroup each uniquely shape feelings of solidarity and willingness to engage in political action on behalf of the ingroup. Consistent with past work, perception of group discrimination was associated with a sense of solidarity with and willingness to act on behalf of the ingroup among both Latinxs and Asians. Importantly, findings show that individuals’ standing within the group also predicts solidarity among both Latinxs and Asians and also willingness to engage in political action on behalf of the ingroup, but only among Latinxs and not among Asians. Together, these findings suggest that ingroup solidarity and motivation to work on behalf of the group are shaped not only by influences enacted by outgroup members but also by relations within the group.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144705660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Emma K. Bridger, John Maltby, Eiko I. Fried, Daniel Nettle
{"title":"Causal beliefs about social determinants of depression, poverty, and mortality","authors":"Emma K. Bridger, John Maltby, Eiko I. Fried, Daniel Nettle","doi":"10.1111/asap.70018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70018","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Social determinants influence multiple life outcomes including depression, poverty, and mortality. While causal beliefs shape public views on these issues, studies have remained siloed across disciplines. We surveyed 1000 UK adults on 43 social and non-social risk factors for these outcomes, using a broader set of social factors than previous work. We ask which social determinants are perceived to be causally important, how these are weighted relative to non-social causes, and whether this differs across outcomes. To explore psychological predictors of beliefs, we measured political orientation, subjective socioeconomic status, sense of control, and material deprivation. Respondents viewed social factors as more causal for poverty and depression than for mortality. Left-leaning views and lower perceived control were linked to stronger causal beliefs in social factors. These findings reveal that UK respondents perceive a causal role for social determinants that is comparable to that of non-social factors.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.70018","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144624556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Is performative activism always bad? A qualitative case study","authors":"Lauren E. Duncan, Elizabeth Helm, Olga Kazarov","doi":"10.1111/asap.70016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70016","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Although performative activism is often disparaged as actions meant to increase the participant's social status rather than make real social change, not much is known about what defines it, and who, why, and where people participate in performative activism, and indeed, if it is a bad thing. The current study examined these questions in a qualitative case study of thirty students on a small residential college campus. We looked at how students understood performative activism in terms of identity (in-group vs. ally), site (offline vs. online), and motivation (ideological vs. peer- or self-focused). We found that students almost universally reported having participated in performative activism in the past, both offline and online, for causes related and unrelated to their social identities, and had multiple motives for participating. It was rare for a student to report completely peer- or self-focused motivations for participating. We conclude that performative activism, though disparaged, seems to be a normal part of young adult political development.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144558056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Call it what it is: Does the framing of sex crimes impact jury decision making?","authors":"Olivia N. Grella, Kayla A. Burd","doi":"10.1111/asap.70017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70017","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The purpose of the current studies was to examine perceptions of sex crime severity, framing, and framing congruency on mock juror decision making. Study 1 (<i>N</i> = 230) was exploratory and investigated lay perceptions of legally equivalent sex crimes for both a typical victim and perpetrator. Participants were presented with six sex crimes and answered questions regarding expected nonconsensual behaviors, physical and psychological injuries, perceived severity, and injury likelihood associated with each sex crime. Rape, criminal sexual act, and gross sexual imposition were perceived as high, moderate, and low severity sex crimes, respectively. Informed by Study 1, Study 2 (<i>N</i> = 545) tested whether sex crime frame severity (i.e., high severity versus average or low) or framing congruency among the prosecution and defence would influence mock juror judgments in the context of a criminal trial. Mock jurors read a mock trial, responded to identical measures from Study 1, and additionally completed measures regarding their perceptions of the victim, defendant, and rendered a verdict. Framing influenced perceptions of the defendant rather than the victim or verdict. No significant results emerged regarding framing congruency. Taken together, results from both studies suggest that equivalent sex crimes are perceived differently based on frame alone.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"When sex goes to school: Parents’ conservative opposition to sexuality education","authors":"Iraklis Grigoropoulos","doi":"10.1111/asap.70014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70014","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Understanding the social-psychological mechanisms underlying parental attitudes toward school-based sexuality education is increasingly important in polarized societies. Guided by the Dual Process Motivational (DPM) model, the current research examined how right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and religiosity relate to opposition to school-based sexuality education among Greek parents. Two studies were conducted with a combined sample of 643 parents (Study 1, 376 participants, <i>M</i><sub>age</sub> = 38.47, SD<sub>age</sub> = 7.39; 336 female participants; Study 2, 267 participants, <i>M</i><sub>age</sub> = 44.91, SD<sub>age</sub> = 6.77; 240 female respondents) residing in Greece. Data were analyzed using bivariate correlations, multiple regression, and bootstrapped moderation analysis. Results showed that both RWA and SDO were negatively associated with support for school-based sexuality education. Furthermore, higher religiosity intensified the negative relationship between RWA and attitudes toward sexuality education. These findings highlight how ideological and religious worldviews may shape parental opposition to sexuality education, offering new directions for research and policy development.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.70014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144314966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"When fear meets anger: Attitudes toward positively versus negatively evaluated pandemic policy proposals when negative emotions are competing in society","authors":"Paweł Koniak, Wojciech Cwalina","doi":"10.1111/asap.70015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70015","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, citizens of many countries have been faced with health-related fear, as well as anti-establishment and anti-governmental anger. This emotional landscape colored the ongoing efforts by the authorities to convince citizens to accept various public policy proposals. In two studies (total <i>N</i> = 528, one preregistered) conducted in Poland in two different situations, we focused on the role of the simultaneously evoked pandemic fear and anti-government anger in shaping attitudes toward the pandemic regulations. For negatively evaluated proposals, both of these emotions worked in opposite directions: fear was associated with increasing support, while anger was associated with increasing rejection. However, for positively evaluated policy proposals, fear and anger worked in consonance, and both were associated with increasing acceptance of the proposed regulations. Thus, while fear seems to motivate the acceptance of even negatively evaluated proposals that are seen as protective ones, anger works to amplify or polarize the proposals’ basic evaluations. Our findings could help plan the implementation of public policies in societies in times of turbulent emotional landscapes.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144314967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muhammad Abdan Shadiqi, Idhamsyah Eka Putra, Muhammad Fauzan Rizqullah, Noor I'anah, Mirra Noor Milla, Hamdi Muluk
{"title":"Negative attitudes toward opposing supporters: The mediation effect of collective narcissism among Muslim supporters in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election","authors":"Muhammad Abdan Shadiqi, Idhamsyah Eka Putra, Muhammad Fauzan Rizqullah, Noor I'anah, Mirra Noor Milla, Hamdi Muluk","doi":"10.1111/asap.70013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70013","url":null,"abstract":"<p>During the 2019 Indonesian presidential election, two supporter groups of presidential candidates exhibited negative attitudes toward each other. This study aimed to explain the mediating effect of collective narcissism on the relationship between three predictors (religiosity, group-based anger, and shared reality) and attitudes toward opposing groups. We conducted two surveys before and during the official campaign period (Study 1, <i>n</i> = 300) and after the official campaign period until one day after the election (Study 2, <i>n</i> = 158). The results of Study 1 showed that group-based anger and shared reality had a significant relationship with negative attitudes toward the opposing group. In Study 2, collective narcissism was found to significantly predict negative attitudes toward the opposing group and mediate the relationship between shared reality and negative attitudes. We also found a mediating effect of collective narcissism on the relationship between group-based anger and negative attitudes. These findings indicate that the strength of collective narcissism in the ingroup can predict negative attitudes toward the opposing group.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143913983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Flora Oswald, Izilda Pereira-Jorge, Alexandra Garr-Schultz, Kimberly E. Chaney
{"title":"“I know what's best for my child”: A qualitative analysis of US cisgender-heterosexual and LGBTQ parents’ perspectives on inclusive education policies","authors":"Flora Oswald, Izilda Pereira-Jorge, Alexandra Garr-Schultz, Kimberly E. Chaney","doi":"10.1111/asap.70012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70012","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Diversity education in the K-12 years is a contentious issue in the contemporary US context. Given evidence that parental identity influences beliefs about and support for diversity education, we qualitatively explored cisgender-heterosexual and LGBTQ+ parents’ (<i>N</i> = 609) beliefs about the appropriateness of inclusive educational policies in K-12 classrooms. We collected qualitative data on parental perceptions of inclusive signals in classrooms (e.g., displaying a rainbow flag) and on perceptions of inclusive curriculum (whether children should learn about diversity at school/from teachers or at home/from parents). Parents’ responses reflected variability in support for inclusive signals. Cisgender-heterosexual parents were more likely to endorse that cues should not be allowed and were less likely to indicate holistic support of cues compared to LGBTQ+ parents. For inclusive curriculum, cisgender-heterosexual parents were more likely than LGBTQ+ parents to endorse that diversity information should be discussed only at home with parents. We contextualize parents’ responses within contemporary political rhetoric (e.g., discussions of Parents’ Bills of Rights) and highlight implications for educators and policymakers.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.70012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143913984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marius Dilling, Alina Sorrentino, Elmar Brähler, Jörg M. Fegert, Oliver Decker
{"title":"The authoritarian syndrome as an attempt to restore control and its mediating role in anti-Semitism and xenophobia in Germany","authors":"Marius Dilling, Alina Sorrentino, Elmar Brähler, Jörg M. Fegert, Oliver Decker","doi":"10.1111/asap.70009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70009","url":null,"abstract":"<p>For many people, the coronavirus pandemic meant an enormous and existential loss of control. At the same time, an increase in right-wing extremist attitudes like xenophobia could be observed in Germany. In this study, we hypothesize that the loss of control caused by the pandemic has contributed to the rise in xenophobic and anti-Semitic attitudes in Germany. We propose that this occurs through an attempt to restore control via elements of a revised authoritarian syndrome understood as both the classic authoritarian dynamic of aggression, submission and conventionalism on the one hand, and a general belief in conspiracy theories on the other. In a representative, probability-based study, <i>N</i> = 2522 participants were surveyed on locus of control, right-wing authoritarianism, conspiracy mentality, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism. It was found that right-wing authoritarianism and conspiracy mentality mediated the relationship between external locus of control and xenophobia (partial mediation) and anti-Semitism (full mediation). Surprisingly, internal control beliefs had a direct effect on right-wing authoritarianism—an effect that also leads to increased resentment. We conclude that social crises make people particularly vulnerable to regaining control via conspiracy theories and authoritarianism, which harbors dangers such as right-wing extremism as a consequence. Limitations are discussed.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.70009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143901074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Partisan differences in interdependent campaign messaging","authors":"Hannah B. Waldfogel, Maude I. Ceruso","doi":"10.1111/asap.70010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.70010","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Political language can serve as a powerful tool for mobilizing and uniting voters. The present work examines partisan differences in the use of <i>interdependent language</i>—language that emphasizes connection, collective goals, and cooperation—in US Congressional campaign emails during the 2024 general election. Using computerized text analysis (LIWC), we analyze over 15,000 emails from 378 Senate and House candidates to assess the prevalence of interdependent language, as measured by first-person plural pronouns, references to affiliation, and social language. Our findings suggest that, on average, Democratic candidates employ significantly more interdependent language than their Republican counterparts. However, we observe pronounced shifts in this pattern over time, with Republicans' use of interdependent language increasing to match Democrats as Election Day approaches. Given prior evidence that framing issues in interdependent terms can foster cooperation and collective action, understanding how political candidates engage with the language of interdependence can provide insight into the rhetorical tools used to rally support and motivate political engagement.</p>","PeriodicalId":46799,"journal":{"name":"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/asap.70010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143866017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}