{"title":"Forgotten Fighters in Their Own Words: Pan-Arab Volunteers in Syria-Iraq","authors":"Djallil Lounnas, Israa Mezzyane","doi":"10.1111/mepo.70002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.70002","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Between 2011 and 2015, more than 30,000 foreign fighters, most from the Arab world, traveled to Syria and Iraq to join radical jihadi groups. This article explores another group of combatants who have largely been ignored in the literature: pan-Arab foreign fighters. This element was mostly part of the Arab Nationalist Guard, a secular, highly ideological organization that constituted the largest group of anti-Islamic State fighters in Syria. It was also the third-largest transnational non-jihadist movement fighting on the side of Damascus. Based on extensive interviews with pan-Arab fighters and their leaders, the article examines what may be a last-gasp attempt to revive Arab nationalism. Indeed, the transnational Arab Nationalist Guard represents a final effort of such a movement before the fall of Damascus in December 2024. The interviews also provide the basis for analyzing the pan-Arabists’ complex relations with the Assad regime, as well as with Iran and Hezbollah.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 3","pages":"123-138"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2025-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145271895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Development and Political Effects Of a Pan-Arab Corporate Elite","authors":"Hannes Baumann, Alice Hooper","doi":"10.1111/mepo.70001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.70001","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Gulf investment across the Arab states has skyrocketed since the 2000s. Such activity not only links corporate entities but also weaves new connections between business leaders. We take a birds-eye view of the pan-Arab corporate elite by analyzing the network of transnational interlocking directorships. These involve directors who sit on boards of two or more firms headquartered in different countries. We include 1,111 directors of the 135 largest firms from across the Arab world. A transnational pan-Arab corporate elite has indeed emerged, though it is less dense than its counterparts in regions such as Europe or Latin America. The network radiates from the Gulf to other parts of the region. Arab autocrats may find it more difficult to maintain political control of transnational corporate elites than domestic business leaders, who tend to be more reliant on regime goodwill. But transnational corporate elites are more likely to push for further neoliberal restructuring and regional economic integration than for democratization.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 3","pages":"79-90"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2025-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.70001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145273066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Iran and the Security Order in the Persian Gulf By Javad Heiran-Nia. Routledge, 2025. 170 pages. $170, hardcover.","authors":"Mahmood Monshipouri","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12819","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 3","pages":"151-154"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2025-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145272903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hayat Tahrir al-Sham: Voices of Syria's New Leaders","authors":"Rasim Koç","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12816","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime ushered in a new era of political uncertainty and power struggles in Syria. This article examines competing visions for the country's future, drawing on extensive fieldwork conducted between August 2024 and January 2025 with Syrian refugees in Hatay, Turkey, and residents of Idlib, Syria. Through 123 discussions with activists, scholars, and members of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), this study explores three central issues: the role of Islam in governance, how to create a new constitutional order, and the evolving national identity. The findings indicate that HTS, once a transnational jihadist movement, has shifted toward a nationalist Islamism rooted in Syria's sociopolitical fabric. The interviews highlight Syrians’ rejection of Iranian influence, aspirations for regional alliances, and pragmatic approaches to governance. The article further examines the geopolitical stakes, especially Turkey's strategic influence and the tensions with Kurdish factions. While the respondents hope for stability and self-governance, Syria's fragmented geography and ethnoreligious divisions pose challenges. The study concludes that the country's future hinges on reconciling competing political ideologies, securing regional support, and fostering a national identity capable of uniting its diverse population under a post-Assad order.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"83-97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mahmood Monshipouri, Manochehr Dorraj, John Fields
{"title":"The Gaza War and the Future Of the Abraham Accords","authors":"Mahmood Monshipouri, Manochehr Dorraj, John Fields","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12815","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12815","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Abraham Accords of 2020 represented new political dynamics in Middle Eastern diplomacy, as the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan normalized relations with Israel without demanding a path toward Palestinian statehood. In the short term, the accords increased trade and cooperation on technology, but the larger security project of containing Iran remained a mission unaccomplished. Still, President Joe Biden, until his last days in power, tried desperately but failed to forge a normalization deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia. We argue that the initial success of the Abraham Accords was achieved when Israel was wedded to maintaining the status quo. However, the destruction of Gaza, Israel's expansion into the West Bank, Lebanon, and Syria, and its major military confrontations with the Yemeni Houthis and Iran have inflamed Arab public opinion and escalated the costs of normalization for any regional state. The Biden administration's unwillingness to restrain the Netanyahu government and President Donald Trump's imperial designs on Gaza also raised alarms in regional capitals, which now see any moves toward expanding the Abraham Accords as daunting, at best.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"69-82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Impact of Benjamin Netanyahu's Beliefs On Israel's War against the Axis of Resistance","authors":"Emir Hadžikadunić, Marko Ćuže","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12813","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article contends that Benjamin Netanyahu's cognitive beliefs, especially about the self and about Israel's adversaries, have shaped his approach to the conflicts with Hamas and the broader Axis of Resistance. Analyzing evidence from the first year of the post-October 7 wars, the study pinpoints how these beliefs informed the strategies he deemed most effective. More important, it examines how Netanyahu's actions were determined by the subjective game he believed Israel was playing, as understood through the frameworks of classical and sequential game theories. Employing methodological and theoretical innovations like the verbs in context system, the theory of inferences about preferences, and the theory of moves, the study creates quantitative indicators of three operational-code beliefs held by the prime minister after the deadly Hamas attacks. It then compares these indicators with a norming group to determine how cognitive biases played a role in the prosecution of Israel's wars.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"51-68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12813","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Corridor War in the Middle East","authors":"Arash Reisinezhad, Arsham Reisinezhad","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12811","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12811","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Middle East is on the brink of a profound transformation, primarily driven by economic corridors. From China's Belt and Road Initiative to the Development Road and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, these projects facilitate not only the movement of goods but also the exchange of energy, information, and services across regions. However, while such corridors are seen as fostering economic prosperity and political unity, they often deepen divisions and exacerbate existing geopolitical tensions in the region. The central question of this article is how, and through what mechanisms, do economic corridors change the geopolitics of the Middle East? To answer, the analysis advances a new understanding of corridors as vehicles through which regional states leverage their geoeconomic influence to achieve their goals. Introducing the concept of corridor geopolitics, the article illuminates the consequences of these corridors for the regional order. It also explores the possibility that corridor wars between Middle Eastern countries will emerge from their competition over strategic control of these routes.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 3","pages":"91-108"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2025-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145271714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reagan: His Life and Legend By Max Boot. Liveright, 2024. 880 pages. $45, hardcover.","authors":"A.R. Joyce","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12817","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"177-183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12817","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lessons from the Syria-Hezbollah Criminal Syndicate, 1985–2005","authors":"Iftah Burman, Yehuda Blanga","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12812","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Hezbollah, founded with the intention of destroying Israel, has long engaged in illicit efforts to amass resources the size of some states’ coffers. The Lebanese group's long-running global criminal syndicate with the Assad regime, initially forged in the 1980s, more recently allowed it to fight for more than a decade in the Syrian conflict and to launch attacks on Israel for more than a year during the Gaza war. This article traces the roots of Hezbollah's illicit financial operations, focusing on its collaboration with high-ranking Syrian officers and officials during their country's intervention in Lebanon. It leverages declassified IDF and CIA intelligence reports, Israeli and US government documents, and media reports in Arabic and Hebrew to reveal how the Hezbollah-Syrian partnership engaged in global drug trafficking, currency counterfeiting, and money laundering, then repatriated the earnings. The analysis then suggests how countermeasures used in the past could be repurposed to combat Hezbollah's financing for terrorism and military buildup, and it proposes some new methods, as well.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"98-119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/mepo.12812","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Military Reservists and the Resistance To Netanyahu's Legal Overhaul","authors":"Guy Ziv","doi":"10.1111/mepo.12810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12810","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the months before the Hamas massacre of October 7, 2023, Israeli security officials warned Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that his pursuit of a judicial overhaul was undercutting the army's preparedness for war, rendering the country vulnerable to attack. The government, the most right-wing and religiously conservative in Israel's history, sought legal reforms that would weaken the Supreme Court, viewed by the reforms’ proponents as too powerful for an unelected body. For the hundreds of thousands of Israelis who weekly took to the streets in opposition for nine consecutive months, Netanyahu's coalition was on the verge of destroying Israeli democracy. Dozens of reserve fighter pilots, drone operators, and intelligence officers, along with hundreds of reservists in other elite units, joined the demonstrations and threatened not to show up for duty. The community of army reservists who had become active in the fight against the judicial overhaul emerged collectively as a gatekeeper of Israeli democracy, serving as a key check on elected officials’ illiberal moves. This article explains the genesis of the reservists’ ideals, examines the history of their involvement in domestic politics, and looks ahead to the role they may play as Israel emerges from the post-October 7 wars.</p>","PeriodicalId":46060,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Policy","volume":"32 2","pages":"33-50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2025-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}