{"title":"The question of collaboration between secular feminists and pious feminists in Turkey","authors":"Pınar Dokumacı","doi":"10.1111/dome.12275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12275","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper examines two seemingly opposing trends in the women's rights movement in Turkey: the first trend indicates growing numbers of feminist collaborations and alliances while the second highlights heightened levels of identity-ridden dissent and polarization. By focusing on the relationship between self-identified “pious feminists” and “secular feminists” in Turkey this paper argues that, rather than opposing ends of a continuum, these two trends are in a relational flow. Based on a rich ethnographic study and discourse analysis, I analyze secular feminist and pious feminist perceptions of a possible long-term collaboration between the two groups as equal partners and by mutual consent. I delineate the relational and affective dimensions of collaborations that may initiate as well as hinder new solidarities based on difference. I argue that the shared civil society encounters between secular and pious women's rights groups in Turkey present opportunities for “feminist iterations” that are contingent, performative, and opaque which require what Lugones calls “complex communication” in addition to the deliberative dialogue.</p><p>本文分析了土耳其女权运动中两个看似相反的趋势:第一个趋势表明女权主义协作和联盟的数量不断增加,而第二个趋势则强调了充满身份认同的异议和极化现象的加剧。通过聚焦于土耳其地区自我确认的“虔诚女权主义者”和“世俗女权主义者”之间的关系,本文论证认为,这两种趋势不是一个连续体的两端,而是处于一种关系性的流动。基于丰富的民族志研究和话语分析,我分析了世俗女权主义者和虔诚女权主义者对两个群体之间可能作为平等伙伴和相互同意的长期合作的看法。我描述了合作的关系维度和情感维度,这些维度可能会引发也可能阻碍基于差异的新团结。我论证认为,土耳其世俗妇女和虔诚妇女权利团体之间的共同公民社会接触为“女权主义迭代”提供了机会,这些迭代是依情况而定的、具有施为性和不透明性,这不仅需要商议对话,还需要由学者Lugones提出的“复杂沟通”。</p><p>Este documento examina dos tendencias aparentemente opuestas en el movimiento por los derechos de las mujeres en Turquía: la primera tendencia indica un número creciente de colaboraciones y alianzas feministas, mientras que la segunda destaca niveles elevados de disidencia y polarización dominadas por la identidad. Al centrarse en la relación entre las autoidentificadas “feministas piadosas” y las “feministas seculares” en Turquía, este artículo argumenta que, en lugar de los extremos opuestos de un continuo, estas dos tendencias están en un flujo relacional. Basado en un rico estudio etnográfico y análisis del discurso, analizo las percepciones de feministas seculares y feministas piadosas sobre una posible colaboración a largo plazo entre los dos grupos como socios iguales y por consentimiento mutuo. Delineo las dimensiones relacionales y afectivas de las colaboraciones que pueden iniciar y obstaculizar nuevas solidaridades basadas en la diferencia. Argumento que los encuentros compartidos de la sociedad civil entre grupos de derechos de las mujeres seculares y piadosos en Turquía presentan oportunidades para “iteraciones feministas” que son contingentes, performativas y opacas que requieren lo que Lugones llama “comunicación compleja” además del diálogo deliberativo.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"397-416"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71951956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Do Islamist parties help or hinder women? Party institutionalization, piety and responsiveness to female citizens","authors":"Mounah Abdel-Samad, Lindsay J. Benstead","doi":"10.1111/dome.12279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12279","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Does electing Islamist parties help or hurt women? Due to Ennahda winning a plurality in the 2011 elections and women from all parties winning 31% of seats, Tunisia offers an opportunity to test the impact of legislator gender and Islamist orientation on women's representation. Using original 2012 surveys of 40 Tunisian parliamentarians (MPs) and 1200 citizens, we find that electing female and Islamists MPs improves women's symbolic and service responsiveness by increasing the likelihood that female citizens are aware of and contact MPs. Electing Islamist female MPs has a positive impact on women's symbolic and service responsiveness, but decreases the likelihood that men will interact with legislators. We argue that Islamist deputies are more responsive to women due to an Islamic mandate effect—that is, Islamist parties' efforts to institutionalize their constituency relations, provide services to the marginalized through direct contact with citizens, and respect norms of piety by using female parliamentarians to reach women in sex-segregated spaces. While Islamist parties positively impact some dimensions of women's representation, they also reinforce traditional gender relations. Our results extend the literature on Islam, gender, and governance by demonstrating that quotas and party institutionalization improve women's representation in clientelistic contexts.</p><p>选举伊斯兰政党是帮助还是伤害女性?鉴于复兴运动党的多元化和妇女在2011年获得31%的席位,突尼斯为分析成员性别和伊斯兰主义取向对妇女代表的交叉影响一事提供了有用机会。通过使用2012年对40名突尼斯议员(MPs)和1,200名公民进行的原始调查,我们发现,选举女性议员和伊斯兰两性议员能通过增加妇女了解和联系议员的可能性,进而提高妇女的象征性响应度和服务响应度。选举伊斯兰女议员对妇女的象征性响应度和服务响应度产生最大的积极影响,但会降低对男性的服务响应度。我们论证认为,伊斯兰主义者和伊斯兰女性代表为女性提供了更大的象征性响应度和服务响应度,这归因于伊斯兰授权效应(Islamic mandate effect)——伊斯兰政党努力将其选民关系制度化,通过直接接触边缘化群体,为其提供服务,并通过使用女性议员在私人和公共场所接触妇女以期尊重虔诚规范。虽然伊斯兰政党不追求自由女权主义政策,但其更大程度的政党制度化和对妇女的战略性使用却对女性的响应度产生了积极影响。我们的结果通过证明配额和政党制度化能提高妇女的象征性响应度和服务响应度,进而扩展了有关伊斯兰教、性别和治理的文献。</p><p>¿La elección de partidos islamistas ayuda o perjudica a las mujeres? Debido a la pluralidad de Ennahda y a que las mujeres obtuvieron el 31% de los escaños en 2011, Túnez ofrece una oportunidad útil para probar el impacto interseccional del género de los miembros y la orientación islamista en la representación de las mujeres. Usando encuestas originales de 2012 de 40 parlamentarios tunecinos (MP) y 1200 ciudadanos, encontramos que elegir parlamentarias islamistas y mujeres de ambos géneros mejora la capacidad de respuesta simbólica y de servicio de las mujeres al aumentar la probabilidad de que las mujeres conozcan y se comuniquen con los diputados. La elección de parlamentarias islamistas tiene el mayor impacto positivo en la capacidad de respuesta simbólica y de servicio de las mujeres, pero disminuye la capacidad de respuesta de servicio a los hombres. Argumentamos que las diputadas islamistas e islamistas brindan una mayor capacidad de respuesta simbólica y de servicio a las mujeres debido a un efecto de mandato islámico: los esfuerzos de los partidos islamistas por institucionalizar su","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"293-318"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71951958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A gendered analysis of trends in the faith‐based provision of social services: Evidence from Egypt and Turkey","authors":"Gamze Çavdar","doi":"10.1111/dome.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12272","url":null,"abstract":"The involvement of faith‐based organizations in the provision of social welfare has been popular in discourse and policy over the last several decades. This policy is often recommended as a remedy to the underfunded and underdeveloped social welfare system in late industrializing countries. This paper aims to discuss the implications of this recommended policy on women in the MENA region. This question is significant because women in the MENA region need social services as they have the lowest labor market participation in the world and they have been disproportionately affected by poverty over the last decade, a trend exacerbated during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Based on fieldwork and utilizing both qualitative and quantitative sources, this paper discusses evidence from two country cases in the MENA region, Egypt and Turkey. The paper argues that the provision of social welfare by faith‐based organizations falls short in providing a substitute or alternative to publicly funded and universally provided social services for women because the provision of these services is inconsistent and unreliable and could be coopted by the government. Egypt represents a case in which the al‐Sisi regime adopted a confrontational strategy toward the Muslim Brotherhood and dismembered its services, while Turkey represents a case in which government coopts faith‐based organizations for political gain. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of DOMES: Digest of Middle East Studies is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80366804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A gendered analysis of trends in the faith-based provision of social services: Evidence from Egypt and Turkey","authors":"Gamze Çavdar","doi":"10.1111/dome.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12272","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The involvement of faith-based organizations in the provision of social welfare has been popular in discourse and policy over the last several decades. This policy is often recommended as a remedy to the underfunded and underdeveloped social welfare system in late industrializing countries. This paper aims to discuss the implications of this recommended policy on women in the MENA region. This question is significant because women in the MENA region need social services as they have the lowest labor market participation in the world and they have been disproportionately affected by poverty over the last decade, a trend exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on fieldwork and utilizing both qualitative and quantitative sources, this paper discusses evidence from two country cases in the MENA region, Egypt and Turkey. The paper argues that the provision of social welfare by faith-based organizations falls short in providing a substitute or alternative to publicly funded and universally provided social services for women because the provision of these services is inconsistent and unreliable and could be coopted by the government. Egypt represents a case in which the al-Sisi regime adopted a confrontational strategy toward the Muslim Brotherhood and dismembered its services, while Turkey represents a case in which government coopts faith-based organizations for political gain.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"319-339"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71943687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Substantive representation of women, informal quotas and appointed upper house parliaments: The case of the Omani State Council","authors":"Nawra Al-Lawati","doi":"10.1111/dome.12277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12277","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper examines the impact of informal quotas on the substantive representation of women in appointed upper parliaments using the Omani State Council as a case study. Although no formal gender quota has been institutionalized in Oman, it is presumed that the Sultan will assign 17% of the seats to women, effectively an informal quota. Through semi-structured interviews with female MPs appointed to the State Council, I examine the relationship between informal gender quotas and the substantive representation of women. The findings reveal that the majority of appointed female MPs under informal quota acted for women's interests inside and outside the parliament. Within the parliament, they reviewed legislation with consideration to women's interests and proposed studies or drafted laws on women's issues. Outside the parliament, they acted for women's interests by tapping into their social and political capital, which is presumably acquired through their appointment to the State Council.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"359-379"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12277","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71943688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Substantive representation of women, informal quotas and appointed upper house parliaments: The case of the Omani State Council","authors":"Nawra al-Lawati","doi":"10.1111/dome.12277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12277","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89379767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The ruling Islamism","authors":"Mamado Mohamed Saad","doi":"10.1111/dome.12267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12267","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Drawing on the cases of Iraq and Sudan, it can be argued that the mobilization of economic, cultural, and organizational resources along with the concentration of state resources have led to the radicalization of Islamist parties' positions and political discourse. The concentration of resources was an incentive to reward loyalists, support hard-line discourse, and target opponents by excluding them from political competition. This situation has helped develop a secular and national protest movement that does not believe in the change through elections and political–legal tools, but rather through protest and, in some cases, violent confrontations. However, this secular trans-sectarian national movement still lacks the ability to mobilize alternative political, economic, and leadership resources to present a coherent and counter a vision for the ruling Islamist parties.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 3","pages":"185-200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72167884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reevaluating Islamist electoral success and participation in government","authors":"Justin Curtis","doi":"10.1111/dome.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12270","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Under what conditions will Islamist parties perform well in elections and what happens to the political regime should they gain political power? The canonical hypothesis—“one man, one vote, one time”—argues that Islamist parties are likely to perform well whenever elections become free and that their electoral success is likely to lead to a democratic backslide. Others argue that Islamists are not as popular as this hypothesis suggests or that only moderate Islamist parties are likely to perform well and these parties are unlikely to deliberalize a regime. I propose a modification to these hypotheses, and argue that participation in governments, not seat shares, should be conceptualized as electoral success. Furthermore, because they are often the most likely groups to face repression, the presence of Islamists in governments is indicative of a liberalizing process. Using electoral data from across the Muslim-majority world, I find that Islamists are more likely to hold cabinet-level positions as regimes become more competitive and that the presence of Islamists in government has a positive effect on future levels of democracy, broadly defined. These findings suggest a need to reevaluate more critical perspectives on the effect of Islamist participation in democratizing countries in the Muslim-majority world.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 3","pages":"170-184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12270","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72167944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reevaluating Islamist electoral success and participation in government","authors":"J. Curtis","doi":"10.1111/dome.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12270","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72913453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}