{"title":"A gendered analysis of trends in the faith‐based provision of social services: Evidence from Egypt and Turkey","authors":"Gamze Çavdar","doi":"10.1111/dome.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12272","url":null,"abstract":"The involvement of faith‐based organizations in the provision of social welfare has been popular in discourse and policy over the last several decades. This policy is often recommended as a remedy to the underfunded and underdeveloped social welfare system in late industrializing countries. This paper aims to discuss the implications of this recommended policy on women in the MENA region. This question is significant because women in the MENA region need social services as they have the lowest labor market participation in the world and they have been disproportionately affected by poverty over the last decade, a trend exacerbated during the COVID‐19 pandemic. Based on fieldwork and utilizing both qualitative and quantitative sources, this paper discusses evidence from two country cases in the MENA region, Egypt and Turkey. The paper argues that the provision of social welfare by faith‐based organizations falls short in providing a substitute or alternative to publicly funded and universally provided social services for women because the provision of these services is inconsistent and unreliable and could be coopted by the government. Egypt represents a case in which the al‐Sisi regime adopted a confrontational strategy toward the Muslim Brotherhood and dismembered its services, while Turkey represents a case in which government coopts faith‐based organizations for political gain. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of DOMES: Digest of Middle East Studies is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80366804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A gendered analysis of trends in the faith-based provision of social services: Evidence from Egypt and Turkey","authors":"Gamze Çavdar","doi":"10.1111/dome.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12272","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The involvement of faith-based organizations in the provision of social welfare has been popular in discourse and policy over the last several decades. This policy is often recommended as a remedy to the underfunded and underdeveloped social welfare system in late industrializing countries. This paper aims to discuss the implications of this recommended policy on women in the MENA region. This question is significant because women in the MENA region need social services as they have the lowest labor market participation in the world and they have been disproportionately affected by poverty over the last decade, a trend exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on fieldwork and utilizing both qualitative and quantitative sources, this paper discusses evidence from two country cases in the MENA region, Egypt and Turkey. The paper argues that the provision of social welfare by faith-based organizations falls short in providing a substitute or alternative to publicly funded and universally provided social services for women because the provision of these services is inconsistent and unreliable and could be coopted by the government. Egypt represents a case in which the al-Sisi regime adopted a confrontational strategy toward the Muslim Brotherhood and dismembered its services, while Turkey represents a case in which government coopts faith-based organizations for political gain.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"319-339"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71943687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Substantive representation of women, informal quotas and appointed upper house parliaments: The case of the Omani State Council","authors":"Nawra Al-Lawati","doi":"10.1111/dome.12277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12277","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper examines the impact of informal quotas on the substantive representation of women in appointed upper parliaments using the Omani State Council as a case study. Although no formal gender quota has been institutionalized in Oman, it is presumed that the Sultan will assign 17% of the seats to women, effectively an informal quota. Through semi-structured interviews with female MPs appointed to the State Council, I examine the relationship between informal gender quotas and the substantive representation of women. The findings reveal that the majority of appointed female MPs under informal quota acted for women's interests inside and outside the parliament. Within the parliament, they reviewed legislation with consideration to women's interests and proposed studies or drafted laws on women's issues. Outside the parliament, they acted for women's interests by tapping into their social and political capital, which is presumably acquired through their appointment to the State Council.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 4","pages":"359-379"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12277","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71943688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Substantive representation of women, informal quotas and appointed upper house parliaments: The case of the Omani State Council","authors":"Nawra al-Lawati","doi":"10.1111/dome.12277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12277","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89379767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The ruling Islamism","authors":"Mamado Mohamed Saad","doi":"10.1111/dome.12267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12267","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Drawing on the cases of Iraq and Sudan, it can be argued that the mobilization of economic, cultural, and organizational resources along with the concentration of state resources have led to the radicalization of Islamist parties' positions and political discourse. The concentration of resources was an incentive to reward loyalists, support hard-line discourse, and target opponents by excluding them from political competition. This situation has helped develop a secular and national protest movement that does not believe in the change through elections and political–legal tools, but rather through protest and, in some cases, violent confrontations. However, this secular trans-sectarian national movement still lacks the ability to mobilize alternative political, economic, and leadership resources to present a coherent and counter a vision for the ruling Islamist parties.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 3","pages":"185-200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72167884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reevaluating Islamist electoral success and participation in government","authors":"Justin Curtis","doi":"10.1111/dome.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12270","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Under what conditions will Islamist parties perform well in elections and what happens to the political regime should they gain political power? The canonical hypothesis—“one man, one vote, one time”—argues that Islamist parties are likely to perform well whenever elections become free and that their electoral success is likely to lead to a democratic backslide. Others argue that Islamists are not as popular as this hypothesis suggests or that only moderate Islamist parties are likely to perform well and these parties are unlikely to deliberalize a regime. I propose a modification to these hypotheses, and argue that participation in governments, not seat shares, should be conceptualized as electoral success. Furthermore, because they are often the most likely groups to face repression, the presence of Islamists in governments is indicative of a liberalizing process. Using electoral data from across the Muslim-majority world, I find that Islamists are more likely to hold cabinet-level positions as regimes become more competitive and that the presence of Islamists in government has a positive effect on future levels of democracy, broadly defined. These findings suggest a need to reevaluate more critical perspectives on the effect of Islamist participation in democratizing countries in the Muslim-majority world.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 3","pages":"170-184"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12270","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72167944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reevaluating Islamist electoral success and participation in government","authors":"J. Curtis","doi":"10.1111/dome.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12270","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72913453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Consequences of economic sanctions on minority groups in the sanctioned states","authors":"Mehmet Onder","doi":"10.1111/dome.12268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12268","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"92 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81648938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Consequences of economic sanctions on minority groups in the sanctioned states","authors":"Mehmet Onder","doi":"10.1111/dome.12268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dome.12268","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This study explores the effects of economic sanctions on vulnerable groups within target states. When a state uses economic sanctions to realize its foreign policy goals, the government in the sanctioned state usually pursues harsh domestic policies against its ethnic minority groups by employing rally around the flag effect policies. Resultant domestic policies work by casting members of minority groups as traitors and then scapegoating them as the cause underlying the sanctions. Many cases have resulted in the mistreatment and death of innocent people due to the target state governments' counter-sanctions policies at the domestic level. In this paper, I analyze the negative effects of economic sanctions on minority groups with a focus on the economic, political, and social discrimination of minority groups within sanctioned states. I argue that comprehensive sanctions are more harmful than targeted sanctions on the minority groups in sanctioned states. By using panel data and logit regression models, I demonstrate that economic sanctions cause target states to enact policies that are discriminatory against members of minority groups. This study contributes to the literature by identifying the effects of comprehensive and targeted sanctions on minority groups in terms of political, economic, and societal dimensions.</p>","PeriodicalId":43254,"journal":{"name":"Digest of Middle East Studies","volume":"31 3","pages":"201-227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dome.12268","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72192174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}