{"title":"Queering Sexual and Gender Citizenship in (Anarcho-)Feminist Zines in Post-Socialist Poland","authors":"Barbara Dynda","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The article analyzes concepts of sexual and gender citizenship emerging in feminist, lesbian, and queer zines in post-socialist Poland. It focuses on oral history interviews and discourses manifested in the following zines: Łechtaczka (Clitoris), girlz get united! (ggu!) and Lesbijki i Geje Międzynarodowa wymiana Przyjaźni (Lesbian & Gay Hospitality Exchange International, L/GHEI).After contextualizing the Polish anarcho-feminist zine scene, this article analyses how post-socialist transnational discourses developed within underground publications. By focusing on ggu! and L/GHEI, it argues that feminist and queer zines reconceptualized sexual and gender citizenship while disrupting binary divisions (such as national/foreign, Eastern post-socialist/Western never-socialist geographies)— from both the anarchist and assimilationist perspectives. The article focuses then on a locally distributed zine: the lesbian-queer Łechtaczka. This publication shows how grassroots concepts of sexual and gender citizenship challenged those imposed by the Polish church–state system, as well as those harbored by misogynistic and homophobic groups of the punk scene.This article ends by highlighting how the analysis of ggu!, L/GHEI, and Łechtaczka allows us to see the complexity of identities and networks emerging in grassroots feminist communities and understand the complicated nature of discourses concerning the local and global reconceptualization of sexual and gender citizenship.Résumé:Le présent article analyse les concepts de citoyenneté sexuelle et de genre apparus dans les zines féministes, lesbiens et queer de la Pologne post-socialiste. Il se concentre sur les entrevues d'histoire orale et les discours présents dans les zines suivants : Łechtaczka (Clitoris), girlz get united ! (ggu!) et Lesbijki i Geje Mie˛dzynarodowa wymiana Przyjaźni (Lesbian & Gay Hospitality Exchange International, L/GHEI).Après avoir procédé à une contextualisation de la scène des zines anarchoféministes polonais, cet article examine la façon dont les discours transnationaux post-socialistes se sont développés dans les publications underground. En s’appuyant sur ggu ! et L/GHEI, il soutient que les zines féministes et queer ont reconceptualisé la citoyenneté sexuelle et de genre tout en remettant en question les oppositions binaires (telles que les dichotomies national/étranger, post-socialiste oriental/occidental jamais-socialiste), aussi bien du point de vue anarchiste qu’assimilationniste. L'article met également l’accent sur un zine distribué localement : le lesbien-queer Łechtaczka. Cette contribution montre la façon dont les concepts de citoyenneté sexuelle et de genre ont défié ceux imposés non seulement par le système État-Église polonais, mais également par les groupes misogynes et homophobes de la scène punk. L’article se termine en soulignant la manière dont l'analyse de ggu!, L/GHEI, et Łechtaczka permet d’appréhender la complexité des identités et des réseaux qui a","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"385 - 419"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69366045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mujercitos: The Profane of Mexican Citizenship","authors":"Carlos Arturo Martínez-Carmona","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The American sociologist Jeffrey Alexander has pointed out that the degree of membership and solidarity in the civil sphere is expressed through the deep cultural codes installed in public opinion and regulatory institutions framing the sacred and the profane of citizenship. This article shows how the sensationist press perceived and judged queer individuals, giving an account of the reasons, relationships, and institutions that founded their exclusion/inclusion during the emergence of the homosexual movement. To this aim, the present study conducts a semiotic analysis of forty-two articles published between 1976 and 1985 by the magazine Alarma! The research demonstrates the existence of a “discursive triangle of homosexual exclusion” based on male heteronormativity, criminality, and morality. It also highlights the degrading, scandalous, and profane in the Mexican civil sphere. Despite media condemnation, the homosexual protest published in Alarma! allows us to perceive signs of inclusion and reconfiguration of the homosexual subject as citizen.Résumé:Selon le sociologue américain Jeffrey Alexander, le degré d'appartenance et de solidarité dans la sphère civile s'exprime à travers les codes culturels profonds ancrés au sein de l'opinion publique et des institutions régulatrices encadrant le caractère sacré et profane de la citoyenneté. La présente contribution montre la façon dont la presse à sensation a perçu et jugé les personnes queer en rendant compte des raisons, des relations et des institutions qui ont fondé leur exclusion/inclusion pendant l'émergence du mouvement homosexuel. À cette fin, le présent article procède à une analyse sémiotique de quarante-deux articles publiés entre 1976 et 1985 par Alarma! Cette recherche démontre l'existence d'un « triangle discursif d'exclusion homosexuelle » fondé sur l'hétéronormativité masculine, la criminalité et la moralité. Elle met également en relief le côté dégradant, scandaleux et profane de la sphère civile mexicaine. En dépit de la condamnation médiatique, les protestations homosexuelles publiées dans Alarma! permettent de percevoir des signes d'inclusion et de reconfiguration du sujet homosexuel en tant que citoyen.","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"458 - 481"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48606421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“Second-Class Citizens”: The Mobilization of the French Homosexual Movement for the “Right to Difference” (1979–1982)","authors":"Mathias Quéré, R. Savery","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:While the French constitution of 1791 abolished the crime of sodomy, the 19th century nevertheless allowed the political power and the bourgeoisie to repress homosexuality thanks to a broad legal arsenal. In 1942, Philippe Pétain explicitly reintroduced the criminalisation of homosexual relations into French law. Some years later, an amendment adopted in 1960 considered homosexuality a \"social plague\", like tuberculosis or alcoholism. French homosexuals remained what they had always been: second-class citizens. The homosexual movement that emerged in the 1970s was mostly revolutionary and very few were interested in legalist demands. Many of activist came from extreme left-wing organisations; for them it was more a question of fighting for the revolution than attempting to become citizens like the others. With the end of the 1970s, the revolutionary horizon vanished and the French homosexual movement, in a quest for popularization, evolved its paradigms to fight against repression. This article retraces and discusses the evolution of homosexual mobilisation in the early 1980s, when gay and lesbian activists reconfigured the French homosexual movement from the perspective of claiming a \"right to difference\" and ending their status as \"second-class citizens\".Résumé:Si la Constitution française de 1791 abolit le crime de sodomie, le XIXe siècle permet néanmoins au pouvoir politique et à la bourgeoisie de réprimer l'homosexualité grâce à un large arsenal juridique. En 1942, Philippe Pétain réintroduit explicitement la pénalisation des relations homosexuelles dans le droit français. Quelques années plus tard, un amendement adopté en 1960 considère l'homosexualité comme un « fléau social », au même titre que la tuberculose ou l'alcoolisme. Les homosexuels français restèrent ce qu'ils avaient toujours été : des citoyens de seconde zone. Le mouvement homosexuel qui apparaît dans les années 1970 est surtout révolutionnaire et très peu de personnes s'intéressent aux revendications d’ordre juridique. Bon nombre de militants étaient issus d'organisations d'extrême gauche ; pour ces derniers, il s'agissait davantage de se battre pour la révolution que de tenter de devenir des citoyens comme les autres. Avec la fin des années 1970, l'horizon révolutionnaire disparaît et le mouvement homosexuel fran-çais, en quête de popularisation, fait évoluer ses paradigmes pour lutter contre la répression. Le présent article retrace et analyse l'évolution de la mobilisation homo-sexuelle au début des années 1980, lorsque les militants gays et lesbiens reconfigurent le mouvement homosexuel français dans l’optique de la revendication du « droit à la différence » et de la fin de leur statut de « citoyens de seconde zone ».","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"362 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47713375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The “Miserable Vassals” of the Empire: The Androgynous Codes of Behaviour of Black and Indigenous Peoples in Late Colonial Brazil (1775–1808)","authors":"Agata Bloch","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0070","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article combines linguistic coding with the category of androgyny to determine the discursive patterns that Indigenous and Black individuals used in their negotiations with colonial authority between 1755 and 1808 in Brazil. The author confronted the language of identity with codes of behaviour to better understand how Black and Indigenous subjects perceived freedom, social condition, slavery, and colonial power. To “measure” androgyny, the focus was on the intersection of gender (women/men), social status (freed/enslaved), and “race”/ethnic group (Black/Indigenous). Next, the author examined the extent to which culturally expected feminine and masculine attributes were reflected in an individual’s self-description. Finally, the author discussed who the “miserable vassals” were and what their functional aspects of androgynous codes of behaviour were.Résumé:le présent article combine le codage linguistique avec la catégorie de l'androgynie pour déterminer les modèles discursifs que les personnes autoch-tones et noires utilisaient dans leurs négociations avec l'autorité coloniale entre 1755 et 1808 au Brésil. Cette contribution confronte le langage de l'identité aux codes de comportement afin de mieux comprendre la façon dont les sujets autoch-tones et noirs percevaient la liberté, la condition sociale, l'esclavage et le pouvoir colonial. Pour « mesurer » l'androgynie, l’autrice s’appuient sur le lien existant entre le genre (femmes/hommes), le statut social (libre/esclave), ainsi que la « race »/ le groupe ethnique (noir/autochtone). Ensuite, l’article examine dans quelle mesure les attributs féminins et masculins culturellement attendus se reflétaient dans l'auto-description d'une personne. Enfin, cette étude se penche sur l’identité des « vassaux misérables » et des aspects fonctionnels de leurs codes de comportement androgynes.","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"420 - 457"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47625568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Queer Citizenship: Between Desire to Belong and Impulse to Dismantle","authors":"Alessio Ponzio","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-09-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-09-07","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"325 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49406597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sexual Citizenship and the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras","authors":"Michelle Arrow, Leigh Boucher","doi":"10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/jh-57-3-2022-0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Since its beginnings as a parade and protest in 1978, the annual Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras has become something of a national juggernaut of queer pride in Australia, as well as an international tourist destination. At the centre of this event is an annual parade through the queer heartland of Sydney, comprised of floats and marching groups of performers. This article will investigate the changing stories told about the Australian nation at this march and its associated commemorative events. Tracing the history of the parade and associated storytelling offers a unique chance to trace the contradictory claims to and contestations over sexual citizenship over 40 years. While recent storytelling at the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras has often been tied to a pleasing liberal narrative of incremental reform and the recognition of sexual rights within the nation-state, the Mardi Gas parade has actually been a site of continual contestation over the terms of national inclusion and the limits of sexual citizenship. How, then, have the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras queered the sexual and racial dimensions of citizenship in Australia, and what are some of the different historical forces and transformations that have inflected and reshaped these moments?Résumé:Depuis ses débuts en 1978 en tant que parade et manifestation pour les droits des homosexuels, le Mardi gras gai et lesbien de Sydney est devenu une sorte de poids lourd de la fierté homosexuelle en Australie, ainsi qu'une attraction touristique internationale. Au centre de cet événement se trouve un défilé annuel à travers le cœur queer de Sydney, avec ses nombreux chars et groupes de marche. Cet article examine les diverses histoires racontées au sujet de la nation australienne lors de cette parade, ainsi que les événements commémoratifs qui y sont associés. Retracer l'histoire du défilé et des récits qui s’y rattachent offre une occasion unique de passer en revue les revendications contradictoires et les contestations concernant la citoyenneté sexuelle sur une période de 40 ans. Alors que les discours récents entourant le Mardi gras gai et lesbien de Sydney ont souvent été liés à un récit libéral plaisant de réformes progressives et de reconnaissance des droits sexuels au sein de l'état-nation, la parade du Mardi gras représente, en réalité, un haut lieu de contestation continue sur les termes de l'inclusion nationale et les limites de la citoyenneté sexuelle. Dans quelle mesure donc le Mardi gras gai et lesbien de Sydney a-t-il modifié les dimensions sexuelles et raciales de la citoyenneté en Australie, et quelles sont quelques-unes des différentes forces et transformations historiques qui ont infléchi et remodelé ces moments ?","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"336 - 361"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44989559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nathan Stoltzfus, Mordecai Paldiel, and Judy Baumel-Schwartz, editors, Women Defying Hitler: Rescue and Resistance under the Nazis","authors":"J. Calver","doi":"10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0123","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42015594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sara Z. MacDonald, University Women: A History of Women in Higher Education in Canada","authors":"Allyson Julé","doi":"10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0135","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44921574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Environmental Aspirations in an Unsettled Time: Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the Club of Rome, and Canadian Environmental Politics in the 1970s","authors":"Christopher J. Orr","doi":"10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0101","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Plagued by economic, energy, and national unity troubles, the 1970s were a tumultuous time in Canadian federal politics. Much less is known about Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s environmental aspirations. This article provides an account of the ideas, policies, and actions in Canadian federal politics 1968–1982. This account demonstrates that Canadian leaders aspired to a transformative environmental agenda, including a systems approach, a critique of economic growth in favour of alternative visions of prosperity, and a shift in societal values from consumerism and greed toward sufficiency and well-being. The onslaught of problems in the mid-1970s was a significant turning point in Canadian environmental politics. Although Trudeau did not discard his holistic environmental vision, he was unable to move from environmental rhetoric to action. This analysis contributes important insights into the pitfalls of navigating unsettled times such as the 1970s and has important implications for current prospects and opportunities for change.Résumé:Plombées par des problèmes économiques, énergétiques et d’unité nationale, les années 1970 ont été une période tumultueuse dans la politique fédérale canadienne. On en sait beaucoup moins sur les aspirations environnementales de Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Le présent article rend compte des idées, des politiques et des actions de la politique fédérale canadienne de 1968 à 1982. Il démontre que les dirigeants canadiens aspiraient à un programme environnemental transformateur, comprenant une approche systémique, une critique de la croissance économique en faveur d’autres visions de la prospérité, et un changement des valeurs socié-tales du consumérisme et de la cupidité vers la suffisance et le bien-être. L’ava-lange des problèmes au milieu des années 1970 a marqué un tournant important dans la politique environnementale canadienne. Bien que Trudeau n’ait pas abandonné sa vision globale de l’environnement, il a été incapable de passer de la rhétorique environnementale à l’action. Cette analyse apporte un éclairage important sur les écueils liés à la traversée des périodes incertaines comme les années 1970, et a des implications majeures pour les perspectives actuelles et les possibilités de changement.","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"246 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43130188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Diefenbaker’s “New Frontier”: Masculinity, Modernity, and Canadian Electoral Politics, 1957–58","authors":"A. G. Priest","doi":"10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0103","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The term “New Frontier” has become synonymous across historical scholarship with the thirty-fifth president of the United States of America, John F. Kennedy. The origins of the term, however, prove murkier. According to former Canadian prime minister John G. Diefenbaker, the Kennedy campaign stole the phrase from him to “great advantage” but “without attribution.” Indeed, Diefenbaker’s “New Frontier” policies were instrumental in his rise to power several years before Kennedy ran for president. This article explores the Canadian electoral campaigns of 1957 and 1958. Across these two contests, Diefenbaker’s Progressive Conservatives narrowly defeated the longstanding Liberal government of Louis St. Laurent, before going on to win the then-largest parliamentary majority in Canadian history. The article argues that the Progressive Conservatives’ “New Frontier” policies and the branding of Diefenbaker as a self-made man were instrumental in his victory and were effective because they spoke to the historical moment. Indeed, to a certain extent they were a performative political device. The late 1950s were the era of the “other-directed man,” to quote David Riesman, where concerns about the erosion of individuality and manliness led to a newfound fascination with the frontier and wilderness. Diefenbaker and the Progressive Conservatives managed to harness this nostalgia and appealed to the growing desire for agency and self-fulfilment in the populace. His past as a Saskatchewan-raised homesteader was utilized in lending credibility to his status as a frontiersman, and he promised Canadians that under a Progressive Conservative government he would lead them toward “adventure … to the nation’s utmost bounds, to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.”Résumé:Dans la littérature en histoire, le terme « nouvelle frontière » est généralement associé au trente-cinquième président des États-Unis d’Amérique, John F. Kennedy. Cependant, les origines de ce concept s’avèrent plus obscures. Selon l’ancien premier ministre canadien John G. Diefenbaker, la campagne de Kennedy lui a volé l’expression qu’elle a utilisée à son avantage, sans en citer en source. En effet, la politique de la « nouvelle frontière » de Diefenbaker a grandement contribué à son accession au pouvoir plusieurs années avant que Kennedy ne brigue la présidence. Le présent article examine les campagnes électorales canadiennes de 1957 et 1958. Lors de ces deux scrutins, les progressistes-conservateurs de John Diefenbaker battirent d’une courte tête le gouvernement libéral de longue date de Louis St-Laurent, avant de remporter la plus grande majorité parlementaire de l’histoire du Canada. L’article soutient que la politique de la « nouvelle frontière » des progressistes-conservateurs et l’image de marque de Diefenbaker en tant que self-made man ont joué un rôle déterminant dans sa victoire et ont été efficaces parce qu’elles s’inscrivaient dans le contexte historique. En effet, dans une","PeriodicalId":43085,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of History-Annales Canadiennes d Histoire","volume":"57 1","pages":"169 - 190"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45230372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}