Forest and Conservation History最新文献_第7页

Boards, Barrels, and Boxshooks: The Economics of Downeast Lumber in Nineteenth-Century Cuba 木板、桶和箱子:19世纪古巴东部木材的经济学

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983641

D. Demeritt

{"title":"Boards, Barrels, and Boxshooks: The Economics of Downeast Lumber in Nineteenth-Century Cuba","authors":"D. Demeritt","doi":"10.2307/3983641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983641","url":null,"abstract":"pride filled editor William Wheeler as he quoted the Philadelphia Press for the 19 November 1859 edition of the Bangor Whig and Courier: \"The state of Maine has, for more than a quarter of a century, carried on trade with the Spanish West India Islands to a greater extent than any other nation on the habitable globe?' This effusive comment referred to an interdependent trade between the Pine Tree State and Cuba that peaked in the years immediately preceding the American Civil War. Between 1857 and 1860 the commercial exchange between the two trading partners was vigorous, employing 2,090 vessels .1 More than just vigorous, the trade was also, at least for a time, balanced and mutually beneficial. Maine's lumber merchants found a large and steady customer in Cuba. Cuba's plantation owners, assured of a reliable supply of cheap lumber from Maine, were able to expand their sugar production onto fresh forest soils that had previously held indispensable reserves of timber. Late in the nineteenth century, however, rapid exploitation of these natural endowments — forests and soils — began to take its toll. Furthermore, technological changes that revolutionized the Cuban sugar industry also altered its David Demeritt","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"31 19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134538802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Timber and Treaties: The Sauk and Mesquakie Decision to Sell Iowa Territory 木材和条约:索克和梅斯基人决定出售爱荷华州领土

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983939

Royce D. Kurtz

引用次数: 1

Communities and People in the Forest Industries 森林工业中的社区和人

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983943

R. Griffin

{"title":"Communities and People in the Forest Industries","authors":"R. Griffin","doi":"10.2307/3983943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983943","url":null,"abstract":"it is clear that the frontiersman's approach to the frontier environment is anything but adaptive. We now know from new settlers' practical experiences that the Amazon basin is particularly unsuited for large-scale sedentary (as distinct from shifting or long-fallow) agriculture as well as for ranching. Yet these nonetheless remain the predominant economic orientations of Amazonian colonization efforts. The \"cake of custom\" is not broken by the frontiering experience. Rather, colonization entails the bull-headed pursuit of land use strategies traditional in the metropolis, no matter how counterproductive they are in the new environment. This is further demonstrated by the Dust Bowl disaster in U.S. history, which originated when the myth that \"rain follows the plow\" was used to promote sedentary agricultural colonization of arid lands. The colonist remains the recognizable product of the society from which he springs, and the society he creates in a new place will approximate the original as closely as is possible (see Opie in Nichols's American Frontier and Western Issues, as well as Baker and Kopytoff). The volumes examined here obviously do not exhaust the possibilities for testing the Turner thesis, but they clearly suggest that the Turnerian approach is not very useful. Kopytoff remarks that the findings of the studies in his collection, The African Frontier, stand Turner on his head. I would suggest that they do more than that, as do those of Baker, Hemming, Schmink and Wood, Cayton, and Marshall— they suggest that we should drop Turnerian buzzwords and strike out anew. One impression generated by the studies reviewed here is that frontier intrusion can be both humanly and environmentally destructive. The expansion of civilized society into forested frontiers has always entailed the destruction or massive disruption of forest ecosystems. Civilized societies tend to regard nature as a thing to be used; \"wild\" or unsettled forest is a hostile realm pending its economic development. The Amazonian case aptly illustrates this point, and with a particular poignancy, as the region's \"development\" is contemporary and continuing, even though the deleterious consequences of development are now understood both within the country and worldwide. This was not the case with earlier frontiers. The Amazonian texts reviewed here do an admirable job of detailing the impact of intrusion on ecosystems, and revealing the sociopolitical context in which intrusion takes place (Schmink and Wood, and Hemming). The destruction of Amazonia does not reflect merely the greed of South American nations claiming a share of the region, but also the international economy that makes such destruction profitable, and even imperative, if the affected nations are to obtain credit in the international market (Hemming). Moreover, to justify their actions, the Amazonian nations may reasonably point to the abysmal record of ecological destruction amassed by every other modern nation.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131140657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The History of State Forest Management in Colonial Java 爪哇殖民地国家森林管理的历史

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983940

N. Peluso

引用次数: 40

Originally Forested Frontiers 原始森林边界

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983942

D. H. Miller

{"title":"Originally Forested Frontiers","authors":"D. H. Miller","doi":"10.2307/3983942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983942","url":null,"abstract":"Land Fever: Dispossession and the Frontier Myth. By James M. Marshall. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1986. viii + 239 pp. Illustrations, appendixes, footnotes, index. $21.00. Whenever the term \"frontier\" is mentioned, there is commonly a reference to Frederick Jackson Turner or to the so-called \"frontier thesis;' \"frontier hypothesis;' or \"Turner thesis?' Such references usually do not involve anything very substantive because there is in fact no such thesis or hypothesis. The Turner thesis is a vague collection of ill-formulated notions that frontier scholars, without much examination, are prone to use as a touchstone to grace their prose or to buttress insufficiently examined conclusions; it is not an analytical proposition. Indeed Turner himself, as Roger L. Nichols remarks in his introduction to American Frontier and Western Issues, used the term \"frontier\" carelessly, even indiscriminately. Thus the American scholars who have for decades been calling for tests of the Turner thesis through comparative frontier studies have themselves done no such thing, for rigorous testing would reveal the Turner thesis as a polite scholarly form of simple American chauvinism. The present assembly of material provides an appropriate context to examine a pair of discrete notions often referred to when scholars try to become specific about the Turner thesis. The first, the notion that most American frontier scholars associate with the Turner thesis, was plagiarized by Turner from the Italian geographer Achille Loria and presented in a celebrated 1893 paper to the American Historical Association. It states that the availability of \"unoccupied\" land for pioneer colonization acts as a social safety valve, allowing the depressed elements of a metropolitan population to escape deprivation and institutional strictures by removing to the frontier. There they can seek economic success and develop new social forms in proportion to their willingness to invest their labor in developing the land. The American national consciousness has come to accept this idea as constituting the essence of the American historical experience prior to 1890. However, Schmink and Wood's Frontier Expansion in Amazonia, Baker's An Indian Rural Economy, and Hemming's Changes in the Amazon Basin all provide clear evidence that the settlement of new land does not have an egalitarian or democratizing effect. Indeed, not only do metropolitan elites supply the elites on the frontier, but a migrating proletariat achieves no measurable improvement in condition. Furthermore, metropolitan credit structures, frontier policymaking, and other institutional devices ensure this result. In his introductory essay to The African Frontier, Kopytoff remarks that the liberating social effect of the American frontier was unique — and incidentally, the claim of American uniqueness encompasses the real merit of the Turner thesis in American scholarship. But Cayton's The Frontier Republic and Marshall's Lan","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"201 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124502252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The First Logging Railroads in the Great Lakes Region 大湖地区的第一条伐木铁路

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983941

C. Bajema

{"title":"The First Logging Railroads in the Great Lakes Region","authors":"C. Bajema","doi":"10.2307/3983941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983941","url":null,"abstract":"Transportation has always been a major, if not the major, cost that Great Lakes lumbermen faced in converting \"sawlogs into currency?''1 During the middle of the nineteenth century logs were skidded (dragged directly on the ground), moved on sleighs, and/or trucked on wagons to streams where they could be floated to sawmills. Not only were these modes of transportation costly, they were not always reliable. Warm winters, called \"open' often made sleighing impossible and trucking through the slush and mud too difficult. Some loggers, faced with long expensive hauls overland and unpredictable weather, attempted to lower their costs by using logging railroads to transport logs to streams or directly to sawmills. Winfield Scott Gerrish's Lake George and Muskegon River Railroad, which began operating in 1877, has often been claimed to be the first logging railroad in the Great Lakes region.2 Gerrish reported that he thought of using a railroad to transport logs after he saw a small Baldwin locomotive on exhibit at the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia in 1876.3 The open winter of 1878-79 focussed attention on Gerrish's logging railroad and led numerous other Michigan lumbermen to imitate him. Gerrish's place in lumbering and railroad history is secure because his successful and wellpublicized experiment triggered the rapid expansion of logging railroads in Michigan and other regions of the country. However, Gerrish was not the first to transport logs by rail, or by steam locomotive, in Michigan. Leslie Arndt and others have claimed since 1973 that the Pinconning and Kaiserville Railroad (later known as the Glencoe and Pinconning), which began operating in 1873 in Bay County, was the state's first steam locomotive logging railroad.4 The geographer Randall Rohe, in his technological history of the use of tramways and pole railroads in the Great Lakes, has traced the history of logging railroads back to 1855. He reports that \"The earliest known ... wooden railroad [used] for logging in the Great Lakes region is one built during the summer of 1855 at Tawas, Michigan\" on the shore of Lake Huron.5 Considerable documentary evidence shows that lumbermen logging along the Grand River in Michigan's Ottawa County had already built and operated three logging railroads before 1855the year the first part of the Tawas logging railroad was built on the east side of the state. The fourth logging railroad constructed in Ottawa County began using a steam locomotive to haul logs on wooden rails in 1857. The history of these long-forgotten logging railroads is an important first chapter in the use of railroads to haul logs.6 These lines, some of which ran more than two decades before Gerrish's operation, were thus the first logging railroads in Michigan, and possibly in the Great Lakes region or even the United States as a whole. In short, a closer look at the history of logging railroads contradicts the \"heroic lone innovator\" theory that shapes most published accoun","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130540766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

A Special Issue: Forest Folklore, Past and Future? 特刊:森林民俗，过去与未来?

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/forhis/35.1.i

引用次数: 0

Literature and the Land 文学与土地

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983538

P. Fritzell

{"title":"Literature and the Land","authors":"P. Fritzell","doi":"10.2307/3983538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983538","url":null,"abstract":"Four of these books — all but Herendeen's — are about landscape or land and literature or art in America, particularly the \"America\" identified with the United States. Herendeen's book is about topos and historia in pre-Enlightenment Europe, from Homeric Greece, through the Rome of Virgil and Ovid, to Renaissance England. The best among these books, and the two to be clearly recommended, are LawsonPeebles's and Von Frank's. Both are outgrowths of that continuing, if still occasionally embattled, trend in American studies that seeks to correct and counter an older and surprisingly persistent literary and historiographic nationalism, an \"organic\" and even \"liberating\" nationalism that finds its most obdurate historiographic expression in one or another variant of the Turner thesis, and its most determined literary commemoration in one or another echo of Emerson's faith in American NATURE. Both Lawson-Peebles and Von Frank, though approaching early America with slightly different interests and persuasions, find in its writings—its scientific and political writings no less than its poems, plays, letters, and fictions — deep and definitive shadows not of independence or liberation, much less of transcendence or originality, but of an insecure (if often disappointed and sometimes even desperate) dependence, a \"native conservatism;' if one can call it that, an utterly essential need to underwrite and reinforce familiar and formulaic cultural, linguistic, and stylistic forms — in natural history and systematic geography as in landscape art and literature, in history as in fiction, and even in medicine and lexicography. Among several other notable formulations of early America and the early American that Lawson-Peebles and Von Frank consider, probably the most noteworthy are Anne Bradstreet's poetry, Royall Tyler's \"The Contrast;' Hawthorne's tales and The Scarlet Letter, Margaret Fuller's Memoirs, Longfellow's \"Our Native Writers,\" and a few of Emerson's essays and letters (Von Frank); the military orders of George Washington, the works of Jedidiah Morse, Noah Webster, and Benjamin Rush, Tom Paine's Common Sense, Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia, Crevecoeur's Letters, Freneau's poetry, the novels of Charles Brockden Brown, and most pointedly the journals of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark (Lawson-Peebles); and, finally, the Travels of Timothy Dwight and the fictions of Hugh Henry Breckenridge and Washington Irving (both Von Frank and Lawson-Peebles). In Von Frank's conception of early America, this necessary conservatism takes almost immediate shape in the face of a \"frontier\" that threatens community, civilization, and an essentially social self`the thin, unsettled frontier quality of American life poses the greatest possible threat to cultural continuity and thus to the chance to be civilized\" (p. 113)— and the result is a definitive, complicated, and inveterately provincial mind, \"acutely conscious\" of its own cultural conditions, and loo","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"195 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132155372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Histories of Science, Exploration, and Scientific Institutions Around the Pacific Rim 环太平洋地区科学、探索和科学机构的历史

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983539

M. Osborne

{"title":"Histories of Science, Exploration, and Scientific Institutions Around the Pacific Rim","authors":"M. Osborne","doi":"10.2307/3983539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983539","url":null,"abstract":"and Scientific Institutions Around the Pacific Rim Claudian, to the likes of Sannazaro, Spenser, Drayton, and Milton —Herendeen shows that the development of \"history;' of historistic thinking, in Mediterranean and European culture — and, indeed, of the notions of community, citizen, and nation—cannot be separated from the development, refinement, and amplification of notions of topos and archetypal topoi, particularly of the river. He shows in addition, or as a result— and particularly in his discussion of Drayton's Poly-Olbion —that the origins of landscape art and nature appreciation, in which \"landscape acquires a value of its own, apart from its historical credentials\" (p. 307), are as much to be found in shifting political currents of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, particularly in Britain, as they are in the Dutch landscape painters of the seventeenth century or the formal dualism of Descartes — and, indeed — if only by implication—that perhaps those Dutch landscapes and even Descartes' dualism are responses to changing political circumstances, the breakdown of topoi that had initially made inseparable the citizen, the community, and what we have since come to call the landscape. At its best, then, Herendeen's is a powerful and revealing book. At its worst, it gets one so wound up in tracking the detailed, figural history of \"the river\"— or so concerned about its author's enthusiasms for and comparative evaluations of \"river poems\" and \"river poets\"— that one can easily lose track of its main, and important, argument. What impedes here are not only the philosophical difficulties, but the notion of the \"river petem\" as a distinct genre (are we then to consider \"bird poems\" or \"snake poems\" or \"love poems\" as genres?), and the toofrequent intrusions of bits and pieces of contemporary hydrology, limnology, and watershed management into the explication of pre-Enlightenment poems and poets — poems that take on \"riverine elements\" and \"riverine characters;' and poets who serve \"riparian\" apprenticeships. The effort to blend the scientific and the literary, the environmental and the stylistic, would be more appreciable if the topoi hadn't changed so much in the last three hundred years.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122493583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Poacher as Hero: The Graves Case as Exemplar 以偷猎者为英雄:以格雷夫斯案为范例

Forest and Conservation History Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/3983536

Edward D. Ives

引用次数: 5