Forest and Conservation History最新文献

{"title":"The Realistic Animal Story: Ernest Thompson Seton, Charles Roberts, and Darwinism","authors":"T. Dunlap","doi":"10.2307/3983762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983762","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"2013 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132195430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Forest Management and Exploitation in Colonial Java, 1677–1897","authors":"P. Boomgaard","doi":"10.2307/3983978","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983978","url":null,"abstract":"In 1619the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or VOC) conquered Jakatra on the northern shore of western Java and renamed it Batavia. The Dutch retained a presence in this area for over three centuries, until 1949, when the Netherlands Indies ceased to exist and became Indonesia. From the 330-year period of Dutch presence, this article singles out the 220 years between 1677, when the Dutch acquired sovereign power over most of western Java, and 1897, when the new forest regulations were published. This article explores whether the Dutch introduced what we now would call a system of sustained and stable yields, and if so, when and under what systems of management and exploitation of the forests. It focuses on the eighteenth century, a period that has never received the attention due to it, having been treated almost uniformly as the dark ages of Dutch colonial forestry' At the end of the colonial period, forestland made up about 24 percent of the total 132,000 square kilometer surface area of Java.2 The literature on the Java forests distinguishes two main forest types: teak forests (ca. 27 percent) and junglewood forests (ca. 73 percent). This way of categorizing is in itself revealing, for the attitude of the colonial state in Java (or, for that matter in British India, where the same distinction was made) reflects an overriding emphasis on economic gain: valuable teak versus \"worthless\" junglewood. Although this attitude changed around the end of the nineteenth century, by then the labels could no longer be removed.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115808836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A History of Kneeland-Bigelow, 1901–29: The Economics of Lumbering During the Post-White Pine Era in Michigan","authors":"H. Miller","doi":"10.2307/3983980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983980","url":null,"abstract":"22 Forest &Conservation History 36 (january 1992) When pine lumbering in Michigan was nearing its end at the beginning of the twentieth century, there were still large areas of hardwood and hemlock, sometimes mixed with pine, north of the forty-fourth parallel (which coincides with the north shore of Saginaw Bay). This article describes the lumbering of some of these areas by the KneelandBigelow Company (KB). KB was organized by men experienced in pine lumbering, but operating in a new way to adapt to the changed environment. After their initial logging, they retained ownership of most of the land, intending to log again when the second growth matured. But their plans to practice sustained-yield forestry were frustrated by economic events,'","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115857506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Woodland and Prairie Settlement in Illinois: 1830–70","authors":"W. Walters, Jonathan Smith","doi":"10.2307/3983979","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983979","url":null,"abstract":"Astock figure in the drama of America's past is the pioneer set down amidst an unceasing forest, swinging his axe freely, and blithely unconcerned with woodland conservation. Such pioneers, for better or worse, were certainly plentiful in the wooded eastern half of the country. However, once settlement reached the ecological zone where woodland gave way to prairie, there was a significant change in the pioneers' mind-set. In the 1830s the wave of North American settlement began washing up against the shores of the tall-grass prairies of northern and central Illinois. Here, where timber was scarce, forestland was a prized commodity. Yetgrassland was also an asset. Indeed, many American pioneers came from cultures where grassland had long been vital. In England it was a poor Domesday village indeed that did not have its share of marsh and meadow. By the thirteenth century grassland was in sufficiently short supply that farmers were pushing their tofts, crofts, and pastures out into the fenland margins. In America the story was the same. As Howard Russell has argued, natural grasslands were the key to determining many initial New England settlement locations,' William Penn's followers, for example, valued the small prairies near their new woodland homes. Farther west, pioneers reveled in the grasslands of the central Kentucky and the Scioto Basin of Ohio. Bernard Peters has pointed out the attraction of oak openings for settlers. 2 But exploiting the odd patch of prairie grass located in a sea of woodland was one thing. In Illinois it was as if some inept photographer's apprentice had somehow reversed the ecological negative. Here for the first time prairie dominated, and woodland was reduced to a few scattered islands. The problem of settlement was not so much how to deal with grassland: this, the settler understood. The problem was how to deal with the absence of woodland. This article paints a picture of woodland use in the prairie-dominated areas of Illinois from about 1830 to 1870. It makes the case that settlers paid careful attention to woodland conservation, that woodland expanded significantly during this period, and that this expansion of woodland was in part a planned adjunct to agricultural settlement. Parts of this article are based on documents recently discovered in the archives of Illinois State University. These are the papers of a transplanted Virginian, John Edward McClun. McClun was a typical pioneer entrepreneur, and his records, particularly the contracts, give a detailed picture of the way in which woodland was managed. They underscore the importance of woodland for prairie settlement and stress the careful concern with which woodland was managed.'","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134556207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Njukiine Forest: Transformation of a Common-Property Resource","authors":"A. P. Castro","doi":"10.2307/3983495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983495","url":null,"abstract":"About 130 kilometers northeast of Nairobi, on the lower slopes of Mount Kenya, is a large tract of eucalyptus, pine, and cypress plantations known as Njukiine Forest. Along the margins of the plantation blocks managed by the Forest Department are scattered indigenous trees, including an occasional muringa (Cordia abyssinica) from which hangs a traditional beehive. In contrast to the cacophony of bird and animal sounds that are heard in the remaining indigenous rain forest on the upper slopes of the mountain, the plantations of Njukiine are generally silent except for the distant hum of a chainsaw. Surrounding Njukiine are numerous small private farms owned mainly by Kikuyu (on the west) and Embu (on the east) families. Embu township skirts the plantation forest on its eastern side. The present-day cultural landscape greatly contrasts with the area's social and ecological setting at the turn of the century. Then Njukiine consisted of indigenous closed-canopy and open forest spreading over a wider area than the roughly one thousand hectares now covered by plantations .1 The forest provided habitat for abundant wildlife, including large numbers of buffalo and rhinoceros. For the Kikuyu and Embu Alfonso Peter Castro","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130396373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Ecology and History of Uganda's Budongo Forest","authors":"J. Paterson","doi":"10.2307/3983497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983497","url":null,"abstract":"A tropical rainforest is an ecological complex that interacts both directly and indirectly with a multitude of external factors, including its human population. This paper examines the ecological interaction of the Budongo Forest of Bunyoro, Uganda, with the human population of the area over the past century3 The Budongo Forest is located in the center of the kingdom of Bunyoro in the western region of Uganda. Throughout history, the direct and indirect effects of human activities have modified the vegetational communities of the Budongo from their original conditions. Much change has occurred within the last century at the instigation of Europeans, but the major modifiers of forest patterns in Africa, fire (most frequently of anthropogenic origin) and elephants, have been active in Uganda for thousands of years.2 Climatic conditions over the last millennium would seem to have favored the natural expansion of the Budongo Forest, but instead a combination of human and wildlife activity constrained the forest. Prior to European contact, human-generated fires, set to clear away dry growth from the previous year and engender fresh, new grass for cattle, also cleared away the savanna bush growth and swept right up to the edges of the forest. These annual fires and the large elephant population kept the forest blocks of Budongo and Siba from spreading into surrounding savanna lands. The arrival of Europeans, however, changed the pattern of interacting effects significantly. The Europeans suppressed and controlled fires, periodically removed large animals, and managed the forest for timber production. The overall results were a less diverse forest, fewer species, and the elimination of most large wildlife. Such conditions favored the forest's expansion into the savanna. Though it is often discussed in the disciplines of primatology, zoology, and botany, the Budongo Forest is represented by a very limited corpus of other research, including historical literature. Although Uganda was a protectorate under the British Empire during the period from 1890 to 1961, it was administered with an absolute minimum of expense to the Crown, which supported only a very limited amount of research.3","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132498475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Preludes to an Ecology of Famine in Africa","authors":"Francis Paine Conant","doi":"10.2307/3983499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983499","url":null,"abstract":"Preludes to an Ecology of Famine in Africa edition is now available from the University of Michigan Press). But governments, the news media, and the concerned public are often quick to blame crises either on natural forces, which are beyond human control, or on the victims of the disaster themselves. The fallacy here lies in assigning a single proximate cause, such as overgrazing, for a process such as desertification, crop failure, or famine. This makes about as much sense as concluding that a population is starving because no one is eating. Why overgrazing? Why deforestation? Why overfarming? And ultimately, why famine? Nowhere do these questions apply more forcefully than to the study of crisis among the populations of the Horn of Africa. The region, which includes parts of the Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda, has an enormously complex terrain and climate. Areas of higher elevation commonly give way sharply to lowlands, with accompanying","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"113 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120931810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Progress and Priorities in African Conservation History","authors":"","doi":"10.2307/3983498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983498","url":null,"abstract":"To broaden the scope of this special issue of FCH on Africa, we solicited the following comments about work in progress and future priorities from a random sample of researchers. Although many of these letters deal with current controversies in conservation or development, they all identify ways in which historical information and thinking can help to improve public policies. All of the contributors to this issue are interested in balances and imbalances between use and preservation in Africa's forests, in the past and in the future. More historical investigation of the long relationships between nonEuropean peoples and their forests (or between the forests and their people) may eventually help us to replace our current compromises with a single, coherent policy. In the meantime, the editors will be happy to receive more letters similar to those reproduced here, for future \"letters to the editor\" sections. We would especially like to hear from anyone interested in contributing material on Africa to future issues of FCH or in attending the conference on African forest history discussed in the introduction to this issue.","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131063212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"African-American Youth in the Program of the Civilian Conservation Corps in California, 1933–42: An Ambivalent Legacy","authors":"O. Cole","doi":"10.2307/3983642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983642","url":null,"abstract":"Olen Cole, Jr. A lthough the Great Depression of the 1930s affected all Americans, it struck some groups harder than others. Because of competition for jobs from large numbers of jobless workers, those without experience or a specific skill found it extremely difficult to find employment. Among the groups particularly hard hit were America's young people. President Franklin D. Roosevelt responded to this effect of the depression in March 1933 by creating the Civilian Conservation Corps. The CCC, aimed at the worst aspects of youth joblessness, bore Roosevelt's personal stamp of approval and support. Scholars of the New Deal have never closely examined the experience of African-American youth in the CCC. Those few works that address the issue focus almost entirely on racial issues; they completely ignore the conservation contributions of African-American corpsmen. This study of those young men's work in protecting and maintaining the national forests of California fills a gap in the historical record and at the same time adds to our understanding of western history, AfricanAmerican history, and American history in general. In 1930 approximately one million young people in the United States were employable but unable to find work. By 1933, the worst unemployment year of the depression, the number was up to five million, representing over a third of the nation's known unemployed.' The CCC was created to employ young men between the ages of seventeen and twenty-three in paramilitary work camps, where they were to undertake various conservation projects. 2 Robert Fechner, vice-president of the American Federation of Labor, was chosen to head the CCC. Its advisory council included one representative from each of four government departments: War, Labor, Agriculture, and Interior. 3 A vital component of the CCC operation was that camps were administered by the U.S. Army. Within seven weeks after President Roosevelt had signed the corps into law, the army had mobilized 310,000 men into 1,315 camps, \"a mobilization more rapid and orderly than any in the Army's history.\" The Department of Labor, which was responsible for keeping up the strength of the camps by providing a regular flow of men, prescribed enrollment policies and eligibility requirements. A corpsman was to be employed in the CCC for no longer than eighteen months, and his monthly salary was thirty dollars, twenty-five dollars of which was sent home to his family. In addition, a corpsman received food, clothing, shelter, medical care, and educational and recreational opportunities.s Various technical agencies, such as the National Park Service, the U.S. Forest Service, and the California Department of Forestry, located suitable camps, selected work projects, and supervised the work performed on the various projects. 6","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129620578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Wilderness Visions: Arthur Carhart's 1922 Proposal for the Quetico-Superior Wilderness","authors":"D. Backes","doi":"10.2307/3983643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3983643","url":null,"abstract":"H istorians examining the origins of the wilderness movement in the United States have recognized as especially significant the pathbreaking work of two Forest Service employees, Arthur Hawthorne Carhart and Aldo Leopold. While Carhart was convincing his agency in 1919 to keep the shoreline of a Colorado lake free of cabins and roads, Leopold was contemplating large-scale preservation. In 1924 Leopold persuaded a district ranger in Arizona's Gila National Forest to create the nation's first wilderness area. The argument over which of the two men was the first to think of wilderness preservation came to a head in 1972, when Donald Baldwin published a doctoral dissertation on the origins of the wilderness movement. Baldwin stated emphatically that \"the wilderness concept was the brain child of Arthur Carhart not Aldo Leopold.\" 1 But as Roderick Nash has pointed out, \"the 'Father of . . : approach is always suspect in the history of ideas:' Curt Meine's seminal biography of Leopold concludes that the two men influenced each other. The evidence of their contact with each other is scant, David Backes","PeriodicalId":425736,"journal":{"name":"Forest and Conservation History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122031796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}